A native of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland during the early nineteenth century, William H. Ivey, Sr. ultimately became one of the many immigrants who fought to preserve America’s Union during the American Civil War. His life would not be a long one, but it would be long enough for him to make a positive difference in the world.

* Note: According to Don H. Doyle, the McCausland Professor of History at the University of South Carolina, by 1860, roughly thirteen percent of United States residents were immigrants. In addition:

One in every four members of the Union armed forces was an immigrant, some 543,000 of the more than 2 million Union soldiers by recent estimates. Another 18% had at least one foreign-born parent. Together, immigrants and the sons of immigrants made up about 43% of the U.S. armed forces.

Formative Years

Born in England in 1835, William H. Ivey (1835-1881) was born to a father and mother who were also natives of England. Very little is presently known about his life prior to his emigration from England or his earliest years in the United States of America, save for the fact that, sometime during the early 1850s, he married Monroe County, Pennsylvania native Elizabeth Lawrence (1830-1911), and settled with her in neighboring Northampton County, where he was employed as a miner. They then became the parents of: Mary Jane Ivey (1854-1948), who was born in Willams Township in Northampton County on 10 March 1854 and would later wed John P. Bowes (1853-1935); and John W. Ivey (1857-1877), who was born in Williams Township on 23 June 1857.

Still employed as a miner in 1860, William Ivey resided in the Borough of South Easton with his wife and their children, Mary Jane and John. Another son — William H. Ivey, Jr. (1860-1934), was then born in South Easton on 14 June 1860 (alternate birth year: 1861). That year would end on a tragic note for William Ivey’s adopted homeland, however, as the United States of America descended into the darkness of disunion.

American Civil War

On 19 September 1861, William H. Ivey became one of the early responders to President Abraham Lincoln’s call for volunteers to bring an end to the American Civil War when he enrolled for military service in Easton, Northampton County, Pennsylvania. He then officially mustered in for duty later that same day at Camp Curtin in Harrisburg, Dauphin County, Pennsylvania as a private with Company E of the recently-formed 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, where he received little to no basic training in light infantry tactics because the officers and enlisted members of his regiment were preparing to board a train the next day. Military records described him as a twenty-six-year-old miner and resident of Meridan, Connecticut who was five feet, eight inches tall with light hair, blue eyes and a light complexion.

* Note: The Civil War Veterans’ Card File that is maintained by the Pennsylvania State Archives indicates that William H. Ivey may have performed at least one day of service as a private with Company E of the 12th Pennsylvania Reserves (from 10-11 August 1861) before mustering in with the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers.

Company E of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was commanded by Captain Charles Hickman Yard, who had served as a second lieutenant with Company C of the 1st Pennsylvania Volunteers at the beginning of the American Civil War and had begun recruiting men for a new company of soldiers after completing his Three Months’ Service with that regiment. According to Lewis G. Schmidt, author of A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers:

Capt. Yard had been enrolling men at Yard’s Saloon in Easton and took part of his company to Harrisburg on Friday, August 23, to be attached to Col. Good’s ‘Zouaves’ (a title that did not remain long with the 47th). The Captain had been recruiting men since August 13, and a number of men were still needed to fill the unit which would become Company E in the 47th.… By Monday the 26th, an additional 40 men were ready and another group left for Harrisburg. But the company was still not filled and the Captain planned to return to recruit the remaining members.

These groups were ‘sworn’ (probably enrolled) into the state service on the 28th, and placed in the hands of 1st Lt. Bonstein [sic, “Lawrence Bonstine”] for instruction in the drill, while the Captain returned to Easton to ‘shanghai’ some more recruits at Yard’s Saloon.

It was not until the following Monday, September 2 that an additional group of 24 men had been recruited and Capt. Yard left with these men in the morning, planning to return and complete the enrollment of the unit later.

While stationed at Camp Curtin, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were issued: “1 light blue overcoat, 1 extra good blouse, 1 pair dark pantaloons, 2 white flannel shirts, 2 pair drawers, 2 pair socks, 1 pair shoes, 1 cap, 1 knapsack (suspended from shoulder), 1 haversack (suspended from waist), 1 canteen, and received 71 rifles on the 19th,” according to Schmidt. Upon completion of their basic training, they were presented with the regiment’s First State Color (shown above) by Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin and marched to the train station in Harrisburg on 20 September 1861.

Transported by rail to Washington, D.C., the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers disembarked, were reassembled by company, and marched to the Soldiers’ Retreat, where they were fed and given time to rest before they were ordered to re-form and march for the Kalorama Heights near Georgetown. Upon arrival at “Camp Kalorama” on 21 September 1861, they pitched their tents at the 47th Pennsylvania’s section of the large Union Army encampment, which was located roughly two miles from the White House. Henry D. Wharton, a musician with the 47th Pennsylvania’s C Company, penned the following update to the Sunbury American on 22 September:

After a tedious ride we have, at last, safely arrived at the City of ‘magnificent distances.’ We left Harrisburg on Friday last at 1 o’clock A.M. and reached this camp yesterday (Saturday) at 4 P.M., as tired and worn out a sett [sic] of mortals as can possibly exist. On arriving at Washington we were marched to the ‘Soldiers Retreat,’ a building purposely erected for the benefit of the soldier, where every comfort is extended to him and the wants of the ‘inner man’ supplied.

After partaking of refreshments we were ordered into line and marched, about three miles, to this camp. So tired were the men, that on marching out, some gave out, and had to leave the ranks, but J. Boulton Young, our ‘little Zouave,’ stood it bravely, and acted like a veteran. So small a drummer is scarcely seen in the army, and on the march through Washington he was twice the recipient of three cheers.

We were reviewed by Gen. McClellan yesterday [21 September 1861] without our knowing it. All along the march we noticed a considerable number of officers, both mounted and on foot; the horse of one of the officers was so beautiful that he was noticed by the whole regiment, in fact, so wrapt [sic] up were they in the horse, the rider wasn’t noticed, and the boys were considerably mortified this morning on dis-covering they had missed the sight of, and the neglect of not saluting the soldier next in command to Gen. Scott.

Col. Good, who has command of our regiment, is an excellent man and a splendid soldier. He is a man of very few words, and is continually attending to his duties and the wants of the Regiment.

…. Our Regiment will now be put to hard work; such as drilling and the usual business of camp life, and the boys expect and hope an occasional ‘pop’ at the enemy.

On the 24th of that same month, the 47th Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry finally became part of the U.S. Army when its men were officially mustered into federal service. The next day, 25 September, George Washington Hahn of E Company, David Huber and F. J. Scott described their early days via a letter from Camp Kalorama to the Easton Daily Evening Express:

[A]fter a ride of about twenty-four hours in those delightful cattle cars, we came in sight of the Capitol of the U.S. with colors flying and the band playing and everyone in the best of spirits…. We have one of the best camps in the Union; plenty of shade trees, water and food at present; we have had no ‘Hardees’ [hardtack] yet in this camp, but no doubt we will have them in abundance by and by. But we can cook them in so many different ways, they are better than beef. We soak them over night, fry them for breakfast, stew them for dinner, and warm them over for supper…. The way we pass our time in the evening is as follows: first, after supper, we have a good Union song, then we read, write, crack jokes and sing again. We are ‘gay and happy’ and always shall be while the stars and stripes float over us.

…. We have a noble Colonel and an excellent Band, and the company officers throughout are well drilled for their positions. Our boys are well and contented; satisfied with their clothing, satisfied with their rations, and more than all satisfied with their officers, from Captain to the 8th Corporal. Our boys will stand by the Captain till the last man falls….

This morning we … visited Georgetown Heights; we stood on top of the reservoir and from there had a fine view of the Federal forts and forces on the other side of the Potomac. It looks impossible for an enemy to enter Washington, so strongly fortified is every hill and the camps connect for miles along the river. We saw General McClellan and Professor Lowe taking a view of the Confederate army from the balloon. The rebels are now only four miles from here….

On 27 September — a rainy day, the 47th Pennsylvania was assigned to the 3rd Brigade of Union Brigadier-General Isaac Ingalls Stevens, which also included the 33rd, 49th and 79th New York regiments. By that afternoon, the 47th Pennsylvania was on the move again. Ordered onward by Brigadier-General Silas Casey, the Mississippi rifle-armed 47th Pennsylvania infantrymen marched behind their Regimental Band until reaching Camp Lyon, Maryland on the Potomac River’s eastern shore. At 5 p.m., they joined the 46th Pennsylvania in moving double-quick (one hundred and sixty-five steps per minute using thirty-three-inch steps) across the “Chain Bridge” marked on federal maps, and continued on for roughly another mile before being ordered to make camp.

The next morning, they broke camp and moved again. Marching toward Falls Church, Virginia, they arrived at Camp Advance around dusk. There, about two miles from the bridge they had crossed a day earlier, they re-pitched their tents in a deep ravine near a new federal fort under construction (Fort Ethan Allen). They had completed a roughly eight-mile trek, were situated close to the headquarters of General William Farrar Smith (nicknamed “Baldy”), and were now part of the Union’s massive Army of the Potomac (“Mr. Lincoln’s Army”). Under Smith’s leadership, their regiment and brigade would help to defend the nation’s capital from the time of their September arrival through late January when the men of the 47th Pennsylvania would be shipped to the nation’s Deep South.

Once again, Company C Musician Henry Wharton recapped the regiment’s activities, noting, via his 29 September letter home to the Sunbury American, that the 47th had changed camps three times in three days:

On Friday last we left Camp Kalorama, and the same night encamped about one mile from the Chain Bridge on the opposite side of the Potomac from Washington. The next morning, Saturday, we were ordered to this Camp [Camp Advance near Fort Ethan Allen, Virginia], one and a half miles from the one we occupied the night previous. I should have mentioned that we halted on a high hill (on our march here) at the Chain Bridge, called Camp Lyon, but were immediately ordered on this side of the river. On the route from Kalorama we were for two hours exposed to the hardest rain I ever experienced. Whew, it was a whopper; but the fellows stood it well – not a murmur – and they waited in their wet clothes until nine o’clock at night for their supper. Our Camp adjoins that of the N.Y. 79th (Highlanders.)….

We had not been in this Camp more than six hours before our boys were supplied with twenty rounds of ball and cartridge, and ordered to march and meet the enemy; they were out all night and got back to Camp at nine o’clock this morning, without having a fight. They are now in their tents taking a snooze preparatory to another march this morning…. I don’t know how long the boys will be gone, but the orders are to cook two days’ rations and take it with them in their haversacks….

We had not been in this Camp more than six hours before our boys were supplied with twenty rounds of ball and cartridge, and ordered to march and meet the enemy; they were out all night and got back to Camp at nine o’clock this morning, without having a fight. They are now in their tents taking a snooze preparatory to another march this morning…. I don’t know how long the boys will be gone, but the orders are to cook two days’ rations and take it with them in their haversacks….

There was a nice little affair came off at Lavensville [sic, Lewinsville], a few miles from here on Wednesday last; our troops surprised a party of rebels (much larger than our own.) killing ten, took a Major prisoner, and captured a large number of horses, sheep and cattle, besides a large quantity of corn and potatoes, and about ninety six tons of hay. A very nice day’s work. The boys are well, in fact, there is no sickness of any consequence at all in our Regiment….

Sometime during that phase of duty, as part of the 3rd Brigade, the 47th Pennsylvanians were moved to a site they initially christened “Camp Big Chestnut” in reference to a large chestnut tree located nearby. The site would eventually become known to the Keystone Staters as “Camp Griffin,” and was located roughly ten miles from Washington, D.C.

On 11 October, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers marched in a Grand Review at Bailey’s Cross Roads. In a mid-October letter to his family back in Pennsylvania, Captain John Peter Shindel Gobin (the leader of C Company who would be promoted in 1864 to lead the entire 47th Regiment) reported that companies D, A, C, F and I (the 47th Pennsylvania’s right wing) were ordered to picket duty after the left wing companies (B, G, K, E, and H) had been forced to return to camp by Confederate troops. In his letter of 13 October, Henry Wharton described their duties, as well as their new home:

The location of our camp is fine and the scenery would be splendid if the view was not obstructed by heavy thickets of pine and innumerable chesnut [sic] trees. The country around us is excellent for the Rebel scouts to display their bravery; that is, to lurk in the dense woods and pick off one of our unsuspecting pickets. Last night, however, they (the Rebels) calculated wide of their mark; some of the New York 33d boys were out on picket; some fourteen or fifteen shots were exchanged, when our side succeeded in bringing to the dust, (or rather mud,) an officer and two privates of the enemy’s mounted pickets. The officer was shot by a Lieutenant in Company H [?], of the 33d.

Our own boys have seen hard service since we have been on the ‘sacred soil.’ One day and night on picket, next day working on entrenchments at the Fort, (Ethan Allen.) another on guard, next on march and so on continually, but the hardest was on picket from last Thursday morning ‘till Saturday morning – all the time four miles from camp, and both of the nights the rain poured in torrents, so much so that their clothes were completely saturated with the rain. They stood it nobly – not one complaining; but from the size of their haversacks on their return, it is no wonder that they were satisfied and are so eager to go again tomorrow. I heard one of them say ‘there was such nice cabbage, sweet and Irish potatoes, turnips, &c., out where their duty called them, and then there was a likelihood of a Rebel sheep or young porker advancing over our lines and then he could take them as ‘contraband’ and have them for his own use.’ When they were out they saw about a dozen of the Rebel cavalry and would have had a bout with them, had it not been for…unlucky circumstance – one of the men caught the hammer of his rifle in the strap of his knapsack and caused his gun to fire; the Rebels heard the report and scampered in quick time….

On Friday morning, 22 October 1861, the 47th engaged in another major review, described by Schmidt as massing “about 10,000 infantry, 1000 cavalry, and twenty pieces of artillery all in one big open field.” Less than a month later, in his letter of 17 November, Henry Wharton revealed more details about life at Camp Griffin:

This morning our brigade was out for inspection; arms, accoutrements [sic], clothing, knapsacks, etc, all were out through a thorough examination, and if I must say it myself, our company stood best, A No. 1, for cleanliness. We have a new commander to our Brigade, Brigadier General Brannen [sic], of the U.S. Army, and if looks are any criterion, I think he is a strict disciplinarian and one who will be as able to get his men out of danger as he is willing to lead them to battle….

The boys have plenty of work to do, such as piquet [sic] duty, standing guard, wood-chopping, police duty and day drill; but then they have the most substantial food; our rations consist of fresh beef (three times a week) pickled pork, pickled beef, smoked pork, fresh bread, daily, which is baked by our own bakers, the Quartermaster having procured portable ovens for that purpose, potatoes, split peas, beans, occasionally molasses and plenty of good coffee, so you see Uncle Sam supplies us plentifully….

A few nights ago our Company was out on piquet [sic]; it was a terrible night, raining very hard the whole night, and what made it worse, the boys had to stand well to their work and dare not leave to look for shelter. Some of them consider they are well paid for their exposure, as they captured two ancient muskets belonging to Secessia. One of them is of English manufacture, and the other has the Virginia militia mark on it. They are both in a dilapidated condition, but the boys hold them in high estimation as they are trophies from the enemy, and besides they were taken from the house of Mrs. Stewart, sister to the rebel Jackson who assassinated the lamented Ellsworth at Alexandria. The honorable lady, Mrs. Stewart, is now a prisoner at Washington and her house is the headquarters of the command of the piquets [sic]….

Since the success of the secret expedition, we have all kinds of rumors in camp. One is that our Brigade will be sent to the relief of Gen. Sherman, in South Carolina. The boys all desire it and the news in the ‘Press’ is correct, that a large force is to be sent there, I think their wish will be gratified…. 

On 20 November, Private William Ivey and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers marched in The Grand Review of the Army of the Potomac at Bailey’s Crossroads, Virginia. According to National Portrait Gallery historian James Barber:

For three hours some 70,000 polished troops marched passed the reviewing stand, where the president, members of his cabinet, and Washington dignitaries were in attendance. It was the largest military assemblage up to that time in North America. ‘The Grand Review went off splendidly,’ wrote McClellan that night in a letter to his wife, ‘not a mistake was made, not a hitch. I never saw so large a Review in Europe so well done—I was completely satisfied & delighted beyond expression.’

Among the 20,000 spectators to witness the Grand Review was the poet and social activist Julia Ward Howe of Boston, Massachusetts, who was visiting the Washington area with her husband, Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe.

After leaving the review, during the carriage ride back to Washington, she heard troops singing the song ‘John Brown’s Body.’ A companion suggested that she should write new lyrics to the song, the melody of which lingered in her mind that night in her room at Willard’s Hotel in Washington. She awoke ‘in the gray of the morning twilight’ with the song still in her head and ‘the long lines of the desired poem began to twine themselves in my mind.’ She arose quickly and in the dimness of the early hour she began scribbling the verses on stationery ‘almost without looking at the paper.’

Her poem, The Battle Hymn of the Republic, was first published in The Atlantic Monthly in February 1862; the magazine paid her five dollars. Soon thereafter her verse was set to music and her inspirational song became a wartime favorite….

The next day, according to Schmidt, the regiment participated in a morning divisional headquarters review that was overseen by the regiment’s commanding officer, Colonel Tilghman H. Good, followed by brigade and division drills all afternoon. According to Schmidt, “each man was supplied with ten blank cartridges.” Afterward, “Gen. Smith requested Gen. Brannan to inform Col. Good that the 47th was the best regiment in the whole division.” As a reward for their performance — and in preparation for even bigger adventures and honors to come, Brannan obtained brand new Springfield rifles for every member of the 47th Pennsylvania.

1862

Next ordered to move from their Virginia encampment back to Maryland, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers left Camp Griffin at 8:30 a.m. on Wednesday, 22 January 1862. Marching through deep mud with their equipment for three miles in order to reach the railroad station at Falls Church, they were then transported by rail to Alexandria, before sailing the Potomac River aboard the steamship City of Richmond to the Washington Arsenal. While there, they were reequipped before being marched off for dinner and rest at the Soldiers’ Retreat in Washington, D.C. That same day, 22 January 1862, E Company Private Francis Parks was promoted to the rank of corporal.

The next afternoon, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers hopped aboard cars on the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and headed for Annapolis, Maryland. Arriving around 10 p.m., they were assigned quarters in barracks at the United States Naval Academy. They then spent that Friday through Monday (24-27 January 1862) loading their equipment and other supplies onto the steamship Oriental. According to Schmidt and letters home from members of the regiment, those preparations ceased on Monday, 27 January, at 10 a.m. when:

The regiment was formed and instructed by Lt. Col. Alexander ‘that we were about drumming out a member who had behaved himself unlike a soldier.’ …. The prisoner, Pvt. James C. Robinson of Company I, was a 36 year old miner from Allentown who had been ‘disgracefully discharged’ by order of the War Department. Pvt. Robinson was marched out with martial music playing and a guard of nine men, two men on each side and five behind him at charge bayonets. The music then struck up with ‘Robinson Crusoe’ as the procession was marched up and down in front of the regiment, and Pvt. Robinson was marched out of the yard.

Reloading then resumed. By that afternoon, as the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers commenced boarding the Oriental, they were ferried to the big steamship by smaller steamers. The officers boarded last and, per the directive of Brigadier-General John Milton Brannan, they sailed away for the Deep South at 4 p.m., and headed for Florida which, despite its secession from the Union, remained strategically important to the Union due to the presence of Fort Taylor in Key West and Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas.

Private William Ivey and the men of E Company arrived in Key West, Florida with their fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers in early February 1862. After disembarking from the Oriental, they pitched their tents on the beach and then began garrison duties at Fort Taylor. During the weekend of Friday, 14 February, they introduced their presence to Key West residents during a regimental parade that wound its way through the city’s streets. That Sunday, members of the regiment attended local church services, where they met and mingled with area residents.

By April 1862, according to Schmidt, Captain Charles H. Yard had been placed in command of three regiments that were charged with “clearing land and cutting roads” with a “fine military road … cut by the brigade from Fort Taylor directly through the island.” Drilled daily in light infantry or heavy artillery tactics, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers also worked on strengthening the fortifications at Fort Taylor. As their stay there lingered on, however, the quality of water available to them for drinking and bathing became increasingly problematic — just as Florida’s punishing heat and humidity worsened. As a result, multiple members of the regiment fell ill with dysentery or typhoid fever. Far too many died. Others lived, but found it harder and harder to perform their duties because they were weakened by the weather or disease.

But they “soldiered on,” guarding the fort, keeping the peace in the community and forging powerful, positive bonds with many of the citizens of Key West.

Subsequently ordered to Hilton Head, South Carolina from mid-June through July, Private William Ivey and his regiment made camp near Fort Walker before relocating to the Beaufort District, Department of the South, roughly thirty-five miles away. Frequently assigned to hazardous picket detail to the north, where they were increasingly at risk of enemy sniper fire, the 47th Pennsylvanians became known for their “attention to duty, discipline and soldierly bearing,” and “received the highest commendation from Generals Hunter and Brannan,” according to historian Samuel P. Bates.

On 9 and 10 July, respectively, detachments from the regiment were assigned to the Expedition to Fenwick Island and the Demonstration against Pocotaligo.

Capture of Saint John’s Bluff

During a return expedition to Florida beginning 30 September, the 47th Pennsylvania joined with the 1st Connecticut Battery, 7th Connecticut Infantry, and part of the 1st Massachusetts Cavalry in assaulting Confederate forces at their heavily protected camp at Saint John’s Bluff overlooking the Saint John’s River area.

Backed by the U.S. gunboats Cimarron, E.B. Hale, Paul Jones, Uncas, and Water Witch and their twelve-pound boat howitzers, the fifteen hundred-strong Union Army force commanded by Brigadier-General Brannan advanced up the Saint John’s River and inland along the Pablo and Mt. Pleasant Creeks on 1 October 1862 before disembarking and marching for the battery atop Saint John’s Bluff.  The next day, Union gunboats exchanged shellfire with the Rebel battery while the Union ground force continued on. When the 47th Pennsylvanians reached Saint John’s Bluff with their fellow brigade members on 3 October 1862, they found an abandoned battery. (Other Union troops discovered that the Yellow Bluff battery was also Rebel-free.)

Companies E and K of the 47th Pennsylvania were then led by Captain Yard on a special mission with other Union Army soldiers in the reconnaissance and recapture of the city of Jacksonville, Florida on 5 October 1862. A day later, after receiving intelligence that a Confederate steamer — the Governor Milton — was engaged in furnishing troops, ammunition and food to Confederate Army units scattered throughout the region, men from the 47th Pennsylvania’s Companies E and K boarded the Union gunboat Darlington (a former Confederate steamer) — and set out in search of that steamer. Traveling two hundred miles along the Saint John’s River — with protection from the Union gunboat Hale — th 47th Pennsylvanians found their prize at a dock in Hawkinsville, Florida, captured it and steamed it back down the river to place it safely behind Union Navy lines. According to Schmidt, Corporal George R. Nichols of E Company was one of the men involved in that ship’s capture and later described that mission:

At 9 PM … October 7, discovered the steamer Gov. Milton in a small creek, 2 miles above Hawkinsville; boarded her in a small boat, and found that she had been run in there but a short time before, as her fires were not yet out. Her engineer and mate, then in charge, were asleep on board at the time of her capture. They informed us that owing to the weakness of the steamer’s boiler we found her where we did….

I commanded one of the Small Boats that went in after her. I was Boatman and gave orders when the headman jumped on Bord [sic] take the Painter with him. That however Belongs to Wm. Adams or Jacob Kerkendall. It was So dark I could not tell witch [sic] Struck the deck first. But when I Struck the deck I demanded the Surrend [sic] of the Boat in the name of the U.S. after we had the boat an offercier [sic] off [sic] the Paul Jones, a Gun Boat was with us he ask me how Soon could I move her out in the Stream I said five minuts [sic]. So an Engineer one of coulered [sic] Men helped Me. and I will Say right hear [sic] he learned Me More than I ever knowed about Engineering. Where we started down the River we was one hundred and twenty five miles up the river. When we Stopped at Polatkey [Palatka] to get wood for the Steamer I went out and Borrowed a half of a deer that hung up in a [sic] out house and a bee hive for some honey for the Boys. I never forget the boys.

Integration of the Regiment

Meanwhile, back at its South Carolina base of operations, the 47th Pennsylvania was making history as it became an integrated regiment. On 5 and 15 October 1862, respectively, the regiment added to its muster rolls several young Black men who had endured plantation enslavement near Beaufort or in Georgetown County, including sixteen-year-old Abraham Jassum, twenty-two-year-old Edward Jassum and thirty-three-year-old Bristor Gethers — all of whom would go on to successfully complete their three-year periods of enlistment and be honorably discharged in October 1865.

Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina

From 21-23 October, under the brigade and regimental commands of Colonel Tilghman H. Good and Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, members of the 47th Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry joined with other Union regiments to engage the heavily protected Confederate forces in and around Pocotaligo, South Carolina — including at Frampton’s Plantation and the Pocotaligo Bridge — a key part of the area’s railroad infrastructure that was targeted for destruction by senior Union officers.

Harried by snipers en route to the Pocotaligo Bridge, they met resistance from yet another entrenched, heavily fortified Confederate battery which opened fire on the Union troops as they entered an open cotton field. Those headed toward higher ground at the Frampton Plantation fared no better as they encountered artillery and infantry fire from the surrounding forests. But the Union soldiers would not give in; grappling with the Confederates where they found them, they pursued the Rebels for four miles as the Confederate Army retreated to the bridge. There, the 47th relieved the 7th Connecticut. Unfortunately, the enemy was just too well armed. After two hours of intense fighting in an attempt to take the ravine and bridge, the 47th was forced by depleted ammunition supplies to withdraw to Mackay’s Point.

Losses for the 47th Pennsylvania were significant. Captain Charles Mickley of G Company was killed, and Captain George Junker of Company K was mortally wounded. Privates Henry A. Backman, Nathan George, Samuel Minnich, George B. Rose and fourteen other enlisted men died; a total of one hundred and fourteen had been wounded in action.

On 23 October, the surviving 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers returned to Hilton Head, where several members were appointed later that month to serve as the funeral honor guard for Major-General Ormsby M. Mitchel, the commander of the U.S. Army’s 10th Corps and Department of the South who succumbed to yellow fever on 30 October.

1863

Having been ordered back to Key West on 15 November 1862, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers subsequently spent the entire year of 1863 garrisoning federal installations in Florida as part of the U.S. Army’s 10th Corps, Department of the South. Once again, the men of E Company joined with Companies A, B, C, G, and I in guarding Key West’s Fort Taylor while Companies D, F, H, and K garrisoned Fort Jefferson, the Union’s remote outpost in the Dry Tortugas off the coast of Florida.

According to the U.S. Army’s records collection known as “Returns from Military Posts,” sometime shortly after returning to Key West, Company E’s First Lieutenant Lawrence Bonstine was assigned to special duty as post adjutant — a position he continued to hold from at least 10 January 1863 through the end of December 1863. Reporting directly to the regiment’s commanding officer, Colonel Tilghman Good, he was essentially Good’s right hand, and was responsible for ensuring that regimental records and reports to senior military officials were kept up to date.

On 5 March 1863, Private William H. Eichman was promoted to the rank of corporal, and exactly one month later, on 5 April 1863, Second Lieutenant W. Scott Johnston was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant and also appointed as adjutant with the central regimental staff.

Garrisoning Federal Forts to Weaken the Confederacy

Prior to intervention by the Union Army and Navy, the owners of plantations, livestock ranches and fisheries, as well as the operators of smaller family farms across Florida, had been able to consistently furnish beef and pork, fish, fruits, and vegetables to Confederate troops stationed throughout the Deep South during the first year of the American Civil War. Large herds of cattle were raised near Fort Myers, for example, while orchard owners in the Saint John’s River area were actively engaged in cultivating sizeable orange groves. Florida was also a major producer of salt, which was used as a preservative for food. Consequently, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers and other Union troops across Florida were ordered to capture or destroy salt manufacturing plants in order to further curtail the enemy’s access to food.

On 16 May 1863, garrison staffing arrangements were adjusted as the members of Company D relocated from Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas to Fort Taylor in Key West. Around that same time, Captain Charles Yard boarded a ship with a number of his Company E men and headed for Fort Jefferson.

As with the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers’ previous assignments, officers and enlisted members of the regiment soon came to realize that disease would again be their constant companion and foe — making it all the more remarkable that, during that phase of service, the majority of 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers chose to re-enlist when their three-year service terms were up.

1864

As the New Year dawned in Florida for the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, life continued much as it had throughout 1863. The majority of men assigned to Companies A, B, C, D, G, and I were still garrisoning Fort Taylor in Key West, while men from Companies E, F, H, and K were still stationed at Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas. On 4 January 1864, Private William Ivey was honorably discharged at Fort Jefferson, per General Orders, No. 191 (issued by the U.S. War Department and the Office of the Adjutant General in 1863). He was then re-enrolled and re-mustered at Fort Taylor in Key West on 7 January at the same rank (private) and with the same regiment and company (Company E of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry), earning the coveted title of “Veteran Volunteer” and additional pay that he hoped to send home to his parents.

Around that same time, garrison staffing was adjusted when senior officers of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were ordered to expand the Union Army’s reach by sending part of the regiment north to rehabilitate Fort Myers, which had been abandoned in 1858 following the U.S. government’s third war with the Seminole Indians. Per orders issued earlier in 1864 by Major-General D. P. Woodbury, commanding officer, U.S. Department of the Gulf, District of Key West and the Tortugas, that the fort be reclaimed to facilitate the Union’s Gulf Coast blockade, Captain Richard Graeffe and a detachment of men from Company A were assigned to the duty of raiding cattle herds in northern Florida in order to provide food for the growing Union troop presence in the state. Graeffe and his men subsequently turned the fort into both their base of operations and a shelter for pro-Union supporters, Confederate Army deserters and men, women and children who had escaped from enslavement and feared being recaptured or killed.

Then, as January gave way to February, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers received new orders and began preparing to embark on what would turn out to be a history-making assignment in Louisiana. Boarding yet another steamer — the Charles Thomas — on 25 February 1864, the men from Companies B, C, D, I, and K of the 47th Pennsylvania headed for Algiers, Louisiana (across the river from New Orleans), followed on 1 March by Private William Ivey and the members of Companies E, F, G, and H who had been stationed at Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas. Upon that second group’s arrival, the now almost fully reunited regiment moved by train on 28 February to Brashear City (now Morgan City, Louisiana) before heading to Franklin by steamer through the Bayou Teche. Once there, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry joined the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division of the Department of the Gulf’s 19th Army Corps, and became the only Pennsylvania regiment to serve in the Red River Campaign of Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks. (Unable to reach Louisiana until 23 March, the men from Company A were placed on a different type of detached duty in New Orleans while they awaited transport to enable them to catch up to the main part of their regiment. Charged with guarding and overseeing the transport of two hundred and forty-five Confederate prisoners, they were finally able to board the Ohio Belle on 7 April, and reached Alexandria with those prisoners on 9 April.)

Red River Campaign 

The early days on the ground in Louisiana quickly woke the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers up to just how grueling that new phase of duty would be. From 14-26 March, most members of the regiment marched for Alexandria and Natchitoches, Louisiana, by way of New Iberia, Vermilionville (now part of Lafayette), Opelousas, and Washington.

From 4-5 April 1864, the regiment added to its roster of young Black soldiers when Aaron Bullard (later known as Aaron French), James Bullard, John Bullard, Samuel Jones, and Hamilton Blanchard (also known as John Hamilton) enrolled for military service with the 47th Pennsylvania at Natchitoches. According to their respective entries in the Civil War Veterans’ Card File at the Pennsylvania State Archives and on regimental muster rolls, the men were then officially mustered in for duty on 22 June at Morganza. Several of their entries noted that they were assigned the rank of “(Colored) Cook” while others were given the rank of “Under-Cook.”

Often short on food and water throughout their long harsh-climate trek through enemy territory, the men encamped briefly at Pleasant Hill (now the Village of Pleasant Hill) the night of 7 April before continuing on the next day.

Marching until mid-afternoon on 8 April, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were rushed into battle ahead of other regiments in the 2nd Division. Sixty members of the 47th were cut down that day during the volley of fire unleashed in the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads (also known as the Battle of Mansfield due to its proximity to the town of Mansfield). The fighting waned only when darkness fell, as the exhausted, but uninjured men collapsed beside the gravely wounded and the dead. After midnight, the surviving Union troops withdrew to Pleasant Hill.

The next day, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were ordered into a critically important defensive position at the far right of the Union lines, their right flank spreading up onto a high bluff. By 3 p.m., after enduring a midday charge by the troops of Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner who was the son of Zachary Taylor, former president of the United States), the brutal fighting still showed no signs of ending. Suddenly, just as the 47th was shifting to the left side of the massed Union forces, the men of the 47th Pennsylvania were forced to bolster the 165th New York’s buckling lines by blocking another Confederate assault, during what has since become known as the Battle of Pleasant Hill.

Casualties were severe. Second Lieutenant Alfred Swoyer of Company K and Private Richard Hahn of Company E were killed in action. The regiment’s second-in-command, Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander, was severely wounded, and the regiment’s two color-bearers, both from Company C, were also seriously wounded while preventing the American flag from falling into enemy hands. Still others from the 47th were captured by Confederate troops, marched roughly one hundred and twenty-five miles to Camp Ford, a Confederate Army prison camp near Tyler, Texas, and held there as prisoners of war until they were released during prisoner exchanges that began on 22 July and dragged on into November. Sadly, multiple members of the 47th Pennsylvania never made it out alive.

Following what some historians have called a rout by Confederates at Pleasant Hill and others have labeled a technical victory for the Union or a draw for both sides, the 47th Pennsylvanians fell back to Grand Ecore to resupply and regroup. They remained at Grand Ecore for a total of eleven days (through 22 April 1864), where they engaged in the hard labor of strengthening regimental and brigade fortifications in a brutal climate. They then moved back to Natchitoches Parish, where they arrived in Cloutierville at 10 p.m. that night, after marching forty-five miles. En route, the Union forces were attacked again — this time in the rear, but they were able to end the encounter quickly and continue on.

The next morning (23 April 1864), episodic skirmishing quickly roared into the flames of a robust fight. As part of the advance party led by Union Brigadier-General William Emory, the 47th Pennsylvania took on the Confederate cavalry of Brigadier-General Hamilton P. Bee during the Battle of Cane River (also known as “the Affair at Monett’s Ferry” or the “Cane River Crossing”).

Responding to a barrage from the Confederate’s twenty-pound Parrott guns and raking fire from enemy troops situated near a bayou and on a bluff, Brigadier-General Emory directed one of his brigades to keep Bee’s Confederates busy while sending the other two brigades to find a safe spot where his Union troops could ford the Cane River. As part of the “beekeepers,” the 47th Pennsylvanians supported Emory’s artillery.

Meanwhile, other troops under Emory found and worked their way across the Cane River, attacked Bee’s flank, and forced a Rebel retreat. That Union brigade then erected a series of pontoon bridges, enabling the 47th and other remaining Union units to make the Cane River Crossing by the next day. As the Confederates retreated, they torched their own food stores, as well as the cotton supplies of their fellow southerners. In a letter penned from Morganza, Louisiana on 29 May, Henry Wharton described what happened to the 47th Pennsylvanians during and immediately after making camp at Grand Ecore:

Our sojourn at Grand Ecore was for eleven days, during which time our position was well fortified by entrenchments for a length of five miles, made of heavy logs, five feet high and six feet wide, filled in with dirt. In front of this, trees were felled for a distance of two hundred yards, so that if the enemy attacked we had an open space before us which would enable our forces to repel them and follow if necessary. But our labor seemed to the men as useless, for on the morning of 22d April, the army abandoned these works and started for Alexandria. From our scouts it was ascertained that the enemy had passed some miles to our left with the intention of making a stand against our right at Bayou Cane, where there is a high bluff and dense woods, and at the same attack Smith’s forces who were bringing up the rear. This first day was a hard one on the boys, for by ten o’clock at night they made Cloutierville, a distance of forty-five miles. On that day the rear was attacked which caused our forces to reverse their front and form in line of battle, expecting too, to go back to the relief of Smith, but he needed no assistance, sending word to the front that he had ‘whipped them, and could do it again.’ It was well that Banks made so long a march on that day, for on the next we found the enemy prepared to carry out their design of attacking us front and rear. Skirmishing commenced early in the morning and as our columns advanced he fell back towards the bayou, when we soon discovered the position of their batteries on the bluff. There was then an artillery duel by the smaller pieces, and some sharp fighting by the cavalry, when the ‘mule battery,’ twenty pound Parrott guns, opened a heavy fire, which soon dislodged them, forcing the chivalry to flee in a manner not at all suitable to their boasted courage. Before this one cavalry, the 3d Brigade of the 1st Div., and Birges’ brigade of the second, had crossed the bayou and were doing good service, which, with the other work, made the enemy show their heels. The 3d brigade done some daring deeds in this fight, as also did the cavalry. In one instance the 3d charged up a hill almost perpendicular, driving the enemy back by the bayonet without firing a gun. The woods on this bluff was so thick that the cavalry had to dismount and fight on foot. During the whole of the day, our brigade, the 2d was supporting artillery, under fire all the time, and could not give Mr. Reb a return shot.

While we were fighting in front, Smith was engaged some miles in the rear, but he done his part well and drove them back. The rebel commanders thought by attacking us in the rear, and having a large face on the bluffs, they would be able to capture our train and take us all prisoners, but in this they were mistaken, for our march was so rapid that we were on them before they had thrown up the necessary earthworks. Besides they underrated the amount of our artillery, calculating from the number engaged at Pleasant Hill. The rebel prisoners say it ‘seems as though the Yankees manufacture, on short notice, artillery to order, and the men are furnished with wings when they wish to make a certain point.

The damage done to the Confederate cause by the burning of cotton was immense. On the night of the 22d our route was lighted up for miles and millions of dollars worth of this production was destroyed. This loss will be felt more by Davis & Co., than several defeats in this region, for the basis of the loan in England was on the cotton of Western Louisiana.

After the rebels had fled from the bluff the negro troops put down the pontoons, and by ten that night we were six miles beyond the bayou safely encamped. The next morning we moved forward and in two days were in Alexandria. Johnnys followed Smith’s forces, keeping out of range of his guns, except when he had gained the eminence across the bayou, when he punished them (the rebs) severely. 

Having finally reached Alexandria on 26 April, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers learned they would remain at their latest new camp for at least two weeks. Placed temporarily under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bailey, they were assigned yet again to the hard labor of fortification work — this time helping to erect “Bailey’s Dam,” a timber structure that enabled Union gunboats to more easily make their way back down the Red River. According to Wharton:

We were at Alexandria seventeen days, during which time the men were kept busy at throwing up earthworks, foraging and three times went out some distance to meet the enemy, but they did not make their appearance in numbers large enough for an engagement. The water in the Red river had fallen so much that it prevented the gunboats from operating with us, and kept our transports from supplying the troops with rations, (and you know soldiers, like other people, will eat) so Banks was compelled to relinquish his designs on Shreveport and fall back to the Mississippi. To do this a large dam had to be built on the falls at Alexandria to get the ironclads down the river. After a great deal labor this was accomplished and by the morning of May 13th the last one was through the shute [sic], when we bade adieu to Alexandria, marching through the town with banners flying and keeping step to the music of ‘Rally around the flag,’ and ‘When this cruel war is over.’ The next morning, at our camping place, the fleet of boats passed us, when we were informed that Alexandria had been destroyed by fire – the act of a dissatisfied citizen and several negroes. Incendiary acts were strictly forbidden in a general order the day before we left the place, and a cavalry guard was left in the rear to see the order enforced. After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits [sic] on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.

On Sunday, May 15, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance. The windings of Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad wherewith the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. – We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed in line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired and we advanced ‘till dark, when the forces halted for the night, with orders to rest on their arms. – ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.

Having entered Avoyelles Parish, they “rested on their arms” for the night, half-dozing without pitching their tents, but with their rifles right beside them. They were now positioned just outside of Marksville, Louisiana on the eve of the 16 May 1864 Battle of Mansura, which unfolded as follows, according to Wharton:

Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, the infantry advanced in line until they reached Mousoula [sic, Mansura], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery. Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain correctly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties. The next day we moved to Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the Achafalaya [sic, Atchafalaya] river, where a bridge was made by putting the transports side by side, which enabled the troops and train to pass safely over. – The day before we crossed the rebels attacked Smith, thinking it was but the rear guard, in which they, the graybacks, were awfully cut up, and four hundred prisoners fell into our hands. Our loss in killed and wounded was ninety. This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.

It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of our army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.

While encamped at Morganza, the nine formerly enslaved Black men who had enlisted with the 47th Pennsylvania in Beaufort, South Carolina (1862) and Natchitoches, Louisiana (April 1864) were officially mustered into the regiment between 20-24 June 1864. During that same phase of duty, E Company Corporal Francis Parks was promoted to the rank of sergeant (on 22 June 1864).

The regiment was then ordered to move on and headed for New Orleans, arriving there in late June. As they did during their tour through the Carolinas and Florida, the men serving with the 47th Pennsylvania had battled the elements, disease and the Confederate States Army, holding out hope that they would preserve America’s Union.

On 7 July 1864, Private William Ivey and his fellow E Company men boarded yet another steamer, the U.S. McClellan, along with the 47th Pennsylvania’s Companies A, C, D, F, H, and I, and returned to the Washington, D.C. area. Following their arrival and a memorable encounter with President Abraham Lincoln, they then joined Major-General David Hunter’s forces at Snicker’s Gap, Virginia to fight in the Battle of Cool Spring.

Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign

Attached to the Middle Military Division, United States’ Army of the Shenandoah commanded by Union Major-General Philip Sheridan, the ten companies of roughly one hundred men each that made up the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry took part in a series of back-and-forth movements between Halltown, Berryville, Middletown, Charlestown, and Winchester, Virginia, beginning in August 1864. Skirmishing here and there with troops led by Confederate Lieutenant-General Jubal Early, the regiment then went head to head with a larger group of Early’s men in the Battle of Berryville between 3-4 September.

Two weeks later, Company D’s Captain Henry Woodruff, E Company’s Captain Charles H. Yard and Captain Henry S. Harte of F Company all mustered out at Berryville upon expiration of their respective three-year terms of service.

Battles of Opequan and Fisher’s Hill, September 1864 

A day later, the members of Company E and their fellow 47th Pennsylvanians helped to inflict heavy casualties on Lieutenant-General Jubal Early’s Confederate forces during the Battle of Opequan (also spelled as “Opequon” and referred to as “Third Winchester”) as part of a large Union force commanded by Union Major-General Philip H. (“Little Phil”) Sheridan and Brigadier-General William H. Emory, commander of the 19th Corps. Still considered by many historians to be one of the most important during Sheridan’s 1864 campaign, that Union victory on 19 September 1864 helped to ensure the reelection of President Abraham Lincoln.

The 47th Pennsylvania’s march toward destiny began at 2 a.m. as the regiment left camp and joined up with others in the Union’s 19th Corps. Advancing slowly from Berryville toward Winchester, their forward progress was hampered, however, by the massive movement of so many other Union regiments and their supply wagons — creating a nineteenth-century “traffic jam.” By the time that Sheridan’s men finally reached the Opequan Creek at noon, Early’s artillery and entrenched infantrymen were ready for them, and targeted the Union’s left flank (6th Corps).

Meanwhile, Union Brigadier-General Emory was turning the tide of battle as he led the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers and his other 19th Corps regiments in an attack on Major-General John B. Gordon’s Confederate forces, which then opened fire on a group of Union troops as they tried to cross a clearing. When a nearly fatal gap began to open between the 6th and 19th Corps, Sheridan responded by ordering the units of Brigadier-Generals Emory Upton and David A. Russell to plug the hole. Russell, hit twice (once in the chest) was mortally wounded. As the battle intensified further, the 47th Pennsylvania opened its lines long enough to enable the Union cavalry and infantry regiments commanded by William Woods Averell and General George Crook to charge the Confederates’ left flank. The 19th Corps, with the 47th Pennsylvania positioned in the thick of the fighting, then began pushing the Confederates back — and back — and back.

Early’s “grays” retreated in the face of the valor displayed by Sheridan’s “blue jackets.” Leaving twenty-five hundred wounded behind, the Rebels then skedaddled south for eight more miles, where they stopped and prepared to re-engage with Sheridan’s army. (That fight, which subsequently unfolded from 21-22 September 1864, is known today as the Battle of Fisher’s Hill.) Losers yet again, Early’s men retreated to Waynesboro, with Sheridan’s Union men in hot pursuit. Afterward, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were sent out on skirmishing parties before making camp at Cedar Creek.

A week later, the 47th Pennsylvania lost its two most senior leaders when Colonel Tilghman H. Good and Good’s second-in-command, Lieutenant-Colonel George Alexander, mustered out upon expiration of their respective terms of service.

Battle of Cedar Creek, 19 October 1864

It was during that phase of the American Civil War that Major-General Sheridan initiated the first use of the Union’s “scorched earth” campaigns — starving the enemy into submission by destroying Virginia’s farming infrastructure. Viewed through today’s lens of history as inhumane, the strategy claimed many innocents, but certainly contributed to the war’s significant shift in the Union’s favor — especially during the Battle of Cedar Creek on 19 October 1864 as Early’s weakened troops peeled off in ever growing numbers to forage for food, thus enabling the 47th Pennsylvania and others under Sheridan’s command to rally and win another tide-turning, epic fight.

On that morning of 19 October 1864, Early launched a surprise attack directly on Sheridan’s Cedar Creek-encamped forces, who captured Union weapons while freeing a number of their Confederate comrades who had been taken prisoner during prior battles — all while pushing seven Union divisions back. According to Bates:

When the Army of West Virginia, under Crook, was surprised and driven from its works, the Second Brigade, with the Forty-seventh on the right, was thrown into the breach to arrest the retreat…. Scarcely was it in position before the enemy came suddenly upon it, under the cover of fog. The right of the regiment was thrown back until it was almost a semi-circle. The brigade, only fifteen hundred strong, was contending against Gordon’s entire division, and was forced to retire, but, in comparative good order, exposed, as it was, to raking fire. Repeatedly forming, as it was pushed back, and making a stand at every available point, it finally succeeded in checking the enemy’s onset, when General Sheridan suddenly appeared upon the field, who ‘met his crest-fallen, shattered battalions, without a word of reproach, but joyously swinging his cap, shouted to the stragglers, as he rode rapidly past them – ‘Face the other way, boys! We are going back to our camp! We are going to lick them out of their boots!’

In a stunning display of resilience, the Union’s counterattack began pounding Early’s forces into submission. The 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, who were particularly effective that day, would later be commended for their heroism by General Stephen Thomas who, in 1892, was awarded the Medal of Honor for his own “distinguished conduct in a desperate hand-to-hand encounter, in which the advance of the enemy was checked.” According to Bates:

When the final grand charge was made, the regiment moved at nearly right angles with the rebel front. The brigade charged gallantly, and the entire line, making a left wheel, came down on his flank, while engaging the Sixth Corps, when he went ‘whirling up the valley’ in confusion. In the pursuit to Fisher’s Hill, the regiment led, and upon its arrival was placed on the skirmish line, where it remained until twelve o’clock noon of the following day. The army was attacked at early dawn…no respite was given to take food until the pursuit was ended.

But once again, regimental casualties were high. The regiment’s final casualty figures would later document the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry loss of the equivalent of two full companies of men (killed, mortally wounded, wounded who survived but were no longer fit for duty and were discharged on surgeons’ certificates of disability, wounded who survived but were no longer fit for combat and were transferred to the Veterans’ Reserve Corps, captured by Confederate troops and held as prisoners of war, or missing in action).

Among those who had been killed outright in battle that day were E Company Privates Marcus Berksheimer and Franklin Moser — and Sergeant Francis A. Parks.

Following those major engagements, the 47th was ordered to Camp Russell near Winchester from November through most of December. Rested and somewhat healed, the 47th was then ordered to Camp Fairview in Charlestown, West Virginia, in order to bring an end to the guerrilla attacks that had been damaging the Union’s railroad operations and supply distribution efforts in the region. Five days before Christmas, they trudged through a snowstorm in order to reach their new home.

1865 — 1866

On New Year’s Day, E Company Corporal Adam Ward was promoted to the rank of sergeant and Sergeant George A. Diehl was promoted to the rank of second lieutenant. The 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was then assigned to the Provisional Division of the 2nd Brigade of the U.S. Army of the Shenandoah in February. Commissioned as a captain on 15 February, First Lieutenant William A. Bachman was now in charge of Company E. George A. Diehl, who had been commissioned as a first lieutenant that same day, was now Captain Bachman’s second-in-command.

Still stationed at Camp Fairview near Charlestown, West Virginia as the snowy winter dragged on, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers continued to pursue Confederate guerrillas and protect key Union railroad and supply lines. In March 1865, E Company Private Jacob M. Kerkendall, who had been wounded during the fighting at Fisher’s Hill on 22 September 1864, was wounded again in or near Charlestown, West Virginia. (He was subsequently discharged on a surgeon’s certificate of disability four months later, on 20 July 1865.) According to historians at the Pennsylvania State Archives, who uncovered details about the 47th Pennsylvania’s time at Camp Fairview by reading the diaries of Jeremiah Siders of Company H, the 47th Pennsylvanians were also “employed building blockhouses at all the railroad ‘posts’ (meaning loading stations)” during that phase of duty. Then, as the end of March 1865 loomed, according to The Lehigh Register, “The command was ordered to proceed up the valley to intercept the enemy’s troops, should any succeed in making their escape in that direction.”

Ordered to return to Virginia as winter waned, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers made their way back to Winchester and then to Kernstown, arriving by 4 April 1865. Five days later, a celebration broke out among the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers as they received word that General Robert E. Lee had surrendered his Confederate Army to Union General Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox (on 9 April 1865). In a letter penned to the Sunbury American on 12 April, 47th Pennsylvanian Henry Wharton described cheers “echoing through the Valley,” noting that Union Army operations were still ongoing to ensure that surrender would hold:

Letter from the Sunbury Guards.
CAMP NEAR SUMMIT POINT, Va.,

April 12, 1865

Since yesterday a week we have been on the move, going as far as three miles beyond Winchester. There we halted for three days, waiting for the return or news from Torbett’s cavalry who had gone on a reconnoisance [sic] up to the valley. They returned, reporting they were as far up as Mt. Jackson, some sixty miles, and found nary an armed reb. The reason of our move was to be ready in case Lee moved against us, or to march on Lynchburg, if Lee reached that point, so that we could aid in surrounding him and [his] army, and with Sheridan and Mead capture the whole party. Grant’s gallant boys saved us that march and bagged the whole crowd. Last Sunday night our camp was aroused by the loud road of artillery. Hearing so much good news of late, I stuck to my blanket, not caring to get up, for I suspected a salute, which it really was for the ‘unconditional surrender of Lee.’ The boys got wild over the news, shouting till they were hoarse, the loud huzzas [sic, huzzahs] echoing through the Valley, songs of ‘rally round the flag,’ &c., were sung, and above the noise of the ‘cannons opening roar,’ and confusion of camp, could be heard ‘Hail Columbia’ and Yankee Doodle played by our band. Other bands took it up and soon the whole army let loose, making ‘confusion worse confounded.’

The next morning we packed up, struck tents, marched away, and now we are within a short distance of our old quarters. – The war is about played out, and peace is clearly seen through the bright cloud that has taken the place of those that darkened the sky for the last four years. The question now with us is whether the veterans after Old Abe has matters fixed to his satisfaction, will have to stay ‘till the expiration of the three years, or be discharged as per agreement, at the ‘end of the war.’ If we are not discharged when hostilities cease, great injustice will be done.

The members of Co. ‘C,’ wishing to do honor to Lieut. C. S. Beard, and show their appreciation of him as an officer and gentleman, presented him with a splendid sword, sash and belt. Lieut. Beard rose from the ranks, and as one of their number, the boys gave him this token of esteem.

A few nights ago, an aid [sic] on Gen. Torbett’s staff, with two more officers, attempted to pass a safe guard stationed at a house near Winchester. The guard halted the party, they rushed on, paying no attention to the challenge, when the sentinel charged bayonet, running the sharp steel through the abdomen of the aid [sic], wounding him so severely that he died in an hour. The guard did his duty as he was there for the protection of the inmates and their property, with instruction to let no one enter.

The boys are all well, and jubilant over the victories of Grant, and their own little Sheridan, and feel as though they would soon return to meet the loved ones at home, and receive a kind greeting from old friends, and do you believe me to be

Yours Fraternally,
H. D. W.

The long war appeared to be over; just two days later, however, that fragile peace was shattered when a Confederate loyalist fired a bullet that changed the course of American history forever. As a result, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were ordered to head for Washington, D.C. Stationed there by 19 April 1865, they were now responsible for helping to ensure that the nation’s capital was safe in the wake of the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln — a terrible act of blind hate that threatened to reignite the civil war they had just helped to end. Making camp near Fort Stevens, they were issued new uniforms and additional ammunition.

Letters sent to friends and family back home during that period and newspaper interviews that were conducted, post-war, with survivors of the 47th Pennsylvania confirm that at least one 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer was given the high honor of guarding President Lincoln’s funeral train while others may have guarded the Lincoln assassination conspirators during the early days of their imprisonment and trial, which began on 9 May 1865.

During that phase of duty, the regiment was head quartered at Camp Brightwood. Attached to Dwight’s Division of the 2nd Brigade, Department of Washington’s 22nd Corps, Private William Ivey and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantrymen also participated in the Union’s Grand Review of the National Armies on 23 May.

Nine days later, on 1 June 1865, multiple members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were honorably discharged at Camp Brightwood by General Orders, No. 53, and allowed to return home to their families in Pennsylvania. Meanwhile, Private William Ivey was packing up his gear and getting ready to head for the nation’s Deep South.

Reconstruction

On their final swing through the South, the still-serving 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were stationed in Savannah, Georgia by early June. Attached again to Dwight’s Division, they were now assigned to the 3rd Brigade, U.S. Department of the South. Order to relieve the 165th New York in July, they were then headquartered at a mansion that had been previously owned by the Confederacy’s Secretary of the Treasury. Their duties in both states were largely related to civil governance and rebuilding shattered communities.

Finally, on Christmas Day, Private William Ivey and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers mustered out for the last time in Charleston — a process that continued through early January 1866. Following a stormy voyage north, they disembarked in New York City and were transported to Philadelphia by train, where the regiment was officially honorably discharged at Camp Cadwalader between 9-11 January 1866.

Return to Civilian Life

Following his honorable discharge from the military, William H. Ivey returned to his adopted homeland of Northampton County, Pennsylvania, where he resumed his job as a miner and family life with his wife, Elizabeth, and their children, Mary, John, and William Jr. According to the 1870 federal census, patriarch William, who had emigrated from England sometime prior to the early 1850s, had become a naturalized citizen of the United States. But tragedy struck the Ivey household as that decade waned. On 20 February 1877, William Ivey’s son, John W. Ivey, died at the age of nineteen in Northampton County, and was laid to rest at the Hays Cemetery in Easton.

Employed as an iron ore miner in 1880, William Ivey, Sr. was also a member of Post No. 576 of the Grand Army of the Republic who resided in the Lower District of Northampton County’s Williams Township with his wife, Elizabeth, and their two unmarried surviving children, Mary Jane and William, the latter of whom was also employed as an iron ore miner.

But, once again, the Ivey household would be struck by tragedy.

Death and Interment

William H. Ivey died in his mid-forties in Williams Township, Northampton County, on 5 March 1881, and was laid to rest at the at the Hays Cemetery in Easton. Researchers have not yet uncovered the cause of his untimely death, but are continuing to search for an answer.

What Happened to the Widow and Surviving Children of William H. Ivey, Sr.?

A daughter of John Lawrence and Mary (LaBarre) Lawrence, William H. Ivey, Sr.’s widow, Elizabeth (Lawrence) Ivey (1830-1911), was a longtime, active member of the Methodist Church in Easton. Following her husband’s death, she continued to reside in Williams Township, Northampton County, Pennsylvania, where she succeeded in raising both of her surviving children to adulthood. Elizabeth’s daughter, Mary Jane Ivey (1854-1948), became the first of the Ivey offspring to marry and begin her own family line when she wed John P. Bowes (1853-1935) in Bucks County in 1881. Elizabeth’s son, William H. Ivey, Jr., then married Sallie Kreitz (1865-1950) in Bucks County in 1888.

Having applied for a U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension in 1887, Elizabeth (Lawrence) Ivey was subsequently awarded that pension support — a form of federal government assistance that she would receive for the remainder of her days. In 1900, she resided at the Upper Mount Bethel Township home of her son, William H. Ivey, Jr. Also living with them were William’s wife, Sallie, and their children, Flora (1890-1963), and Roy (1895-1826). By 1910, however, Elizabeth was living at the home of her daughter, Mary Jane (Ivey) Bowes in Easton’s Seventh Ward. Also residing with them were Mary Jane’s husband, John Bowes, and their children: Robert William Bowes (1884-1950); Lillie Mae Bowes (1886-1953); Harrison Newton Bowes (1888-1978); and Rose M. Bowes (1892-1998). After a long, full life, Elizabeth (Lawrence) Ivey subsequently died at the age of eighty-one in the city of Easton on 3 December 1911, and was laid to rest beside her husband at the Hays Cemetery in Easton.

Following his marriage to Sally Kreitz (1865-1950) at the Upper Tinicum Lutheran Church in Upper Black Eddy, Bucks County on 14 November 1882, William H. Ivey’s son, William H. Ivey, Jr. (1861-1934), settled with his wife in Upper Mount Bethel Township in Northampton County, where they became the parents of: Flora E. Ivey (1890-1963), who was born in September 1890 and would later wed Albert H. Booth (1899-1955); and Roy Lawrence Ivey (1895-1926), who was born in Raubsville on 18 February 1895, would become the husband of Ada R. Brensinger in Berks County, Pennsylvania on 11 October 1924 and would be employed, like his parents, at the Easton Children’s Home. Working as a day laborer during the summer of 1900, William Ivey, Jr. continued to reside in Upper Mount Bethel Township with his wife, Sallie, and their children, Flora and Roy, who were both enrolled in school. Sadly, seven years later, Roy was reportedly beaten by one of his teachers. According to Allentown’s Morning Call newspaper:

A warrant was issued by Alderman Brunner at Easton, for the arrest of Miss Lula Uhler, a teacher in the Fairview building, Palmer township, charging her with brutally beating one of her pupils, Roy Ivy [sic, “Ivey”], 13 years of age. The lad is a son of Mr. and Mrs. Ivy [sic, “Ivey”]. The complaint was made by the boy’s mother.

It is alleged that Miss Uhler on Wednesday afternoon [23 January 1907] beat the boy so badly with a ruler that the marks are still plainly visible on his back [on Saturday, 26 January].

In follow-up coverage, The Allentown Leader reported that:

The School Board of Palmer Township, Northampton County, will back up Miss Lula Uhler, a teacher in the Fairview building, in the assault and battery suit brought against her by Mrs. William Ivy [sic, “Ivey”], in behalf of her son, Ray Ivey [sic, “Roy L. Ivey”]. Miss Uhler inflicted corporal punishment on the boy last week and the mother had her arrested.

The hearing will take place before Alderman Brunner of Easton, and the School Board will employ counsel to defend the teacher. It is stated by Miss Uhler’s friend that the Ivy [sic, “Ivey”] boy has the reputation of being an unruly pupil. On the occasion upon which the punishment was administered the boy is said to have thrown a book at the teacher.

A farm laborer in 1910, William H. Ivey, Jr. resided on Lehighton Street in Easton’s Third Ward with his wife and son. Also living with them was John Fair, a fifty-six-year-old boarder who was also a farmhand. In late November 1911, however, Allentown’s Morning Call newspaper reported that “Mrs. William Ivey and son, Roy, have gone to Flint, Mich., where they will make their future home.” By 1920, William H. Ivey, Jr. and his wife were residing at the home of their married daughter, Flora (Ivey) Booth, and her family in the city of Pontiac in Oakland County, Michigan. Both William and Flora’s husband, Albert Booth, were factory workers. Also residing with them were Albert’s cousins, factory worker Guy Smith and his wife, Etta, and William J. Elliott, a roomer who was employed as a factory inspector. Retired by 1930, William Ivey, Jr. and his wife, Sallie, still resided with their daughter and her family, but at their home in West Bloomfield Township in Oakland County, and without Albert’s cousins or any boarders. Ailing with Addison’s Disease and arteriosclerosis, William H. Ivey, Jr. died four years later, at the age of seventy-two, at his home at 6366 Orchard Lake Road, R.F.D. No. 2 in Walled Lake, West Bloomfield Township, Oakland County, Michigan on 29 January 1934. Following funeral services, his remains were transported to Northampton County, Pennsylvania for burial at Hays Cemetery in Easton on 31 January.

Following her marriage to John P. Bowes (1853-1935) at the Upper Tinicum Lutheran Church in Upper Black Eddy, Bucks County, Pennsylvania on 14 November 1882, William H. Ivey’s daughter, Mary Jane (Ivey) Bowes (1854-1948), initially settled with her husband in Bucks County, where they became the parents of Robert William Bowes (1884-1950), who was born in Durham Township, Bucks County on 21 November 1884, was baptized at the Upper Tinicum Lutheran Church in Upper Black Eddy on 3 December 1884 and would later settle in Easton, where he was employed by the Dixie Paper Cup factory. Sometime after their son’s birth, Mary Jane (Ivey) Bowes returned home with her husband and son to Northampton County, and settled in Williams Township, where they welcomed the births of: Lillie Mae Bowes (1886-1953), who was born on 20 October 1886 and would later wed Orville Wilbur Hineline (1890-1967); Harrison Newton Bowes, (1888-1978), who was born in Easton on 21 November 1878, was baptized at the Methodist Church there on 18 February 1890 and would later settle in that city and work for Abel’s Ice Cream Store; and Rosa May Bowes (1892-1998), who was born in Pen Argyl, Northampton County on 18 May 1892, was also known as “Rose” and would later wed Rutland, Vermont native Jesse Mills Kellogg (1889-1944), settle with him in Easton and live to become a centenarian.

In 1900, Mary Jane (Ivey) Bowes resided in the Borough of Pen Argyl with her husband and children, Robert, Lillie, Harrison, and Rose. By 1910, however, the Bowes had returned to Easton and were residing in Easton’s Seventh Ward.Their household now also included Mary Jane’s widowed, aging mother, Elizabeth (Lawrence) Ivey. Two decades later, she and her husband, John, who was employed at the Dixie Cup factory in Easton, were “empty nesters” living in that city’s Eighth Western District. By 1940, though, their household also included their married daughter, Rosa (Bowes) Kellogg, and her children, William Harrison Kellogg (1922-1998), who had been born in Easton on 26 July 1922 and would later wed Easton native Elizabeth Jane Markley (1925-2023) in the city of Wilmington in New Castle County, Delaware on 16 May 1944; and Doris Elizabeth Kellogg (1924-2020), who had been born in Easton on 15 June 1924 and would later wed James R. Deemer (1928-2006). Ailing with heart disease during the final months of her life, Mary Jane (Ivey) Bowes died at the age of ninety-four at the home of her daughter, Lillie M. (Bowes) Hineline, at 2445 Freemansburg Avenue in Wilson Borough on 12 July 1948, and was laid to rest at Easton’s Hays Cemetery.

 

Sources:

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