Private David C. Rose: A Pioneer and Leading Farmer of St. Joseph County, Indiana

David C. Rose, 1921 (public domain).

David C. Rose was one of many nineteenth-century American teenagers who lied. He lied about his age in 1862 in order to enlist for military service during the American Civil War, and then he lied again about his age in 1863 in order to re-enlist with the Union Army.

That eagerness to serve his country was apparently blunted by 1865, however, because he deserted half-way through that year—right around the same time that his regiment was due to be shipped back down to the nation’s Deep South for a Reconstruction-related assignment.

Despite that blemish, though, he ultimately grew up and became a respected, pioneering farmer in America’s heartland, post-war, and lived to witness the dawn of a new century and also celebrate his fiftieth wedding anniversary with his wife.

Formative Years

Born in Dauphin County, Pennsylvania on 12 September 1847, David C. Rose was a son of Pennsylvania natives John and Mary (Farling) Rose, and was raised in that county’s Susquehanna Township. In 1850, he resided with his parents and older siblings: Daniel, who was employed as a saddler; Jacob, who was employed as a boatman; Catharine, Mary, and William. By 1860, the Rose household numbered just three—David, his father, and his sister, Kate.

Civil War Military Service

Camp Curtin (Harper’s Weekly, 1861, public domain).

On 10 September 1862, at the falsified age of eighteen, David Rose enrolled for military service in Perry County, Pennsylvania. He then mustered in as a private with the 16th Pennsylvania Cavalry at Camp Curtin in Harrisburg, Dauphin County on 28 September 1862. He was just fifteen years old.

One of two entries for him in the Civil War Veterans’ Card File at the Pennsylvania State Archives in Harrisburg indicates that he served with both companies M and G of the 16th Pennsylvania Cavalry, and that he transferred from Company M to G (date of transfer unknown).

His military service then began in earnest when he and his fellow 16th Pennsylvania Cavalry members departed from Harrisburg by train on 23 November 1862. Stationed at Camp Casey, near Bladensburg, Maryland until 3 January 1863, they were directed to head for Falmouth, Virginia that day, where they were assigned front-line duties on the Rappahannock River, which they continued to perform until April 1863. During this time, they were posted at the Rappahannock Bridge and Grove Church from 5-7 February 1863 and were then moved to Hartwood Church on 25 February.

Suffering from “anemia and debility following bronchitis and smallpox since his enlistment,” according to Union Army medical records, Private David Rose was hospitalized sometime during this phase of duty, leading to his honorable discharge from the Fort Staunton Military General Hospital on a surgeon’s certificate of disability on 9 March 1863.

Undaunted, Private David Rose subsequently re-enlisted roughly eight months later.

Three Years’ Service – 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry

Fort Jefferson (Harper’s Weekly, 26 Aug 1865, public domain).

Enrolling for a second time in Perry County, David C. Rose re-entered the military on 13 November 1863, adding two years to his real age this time, and then re-mustered at Camp Curtin on 26 November as a private with Company D of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, a regiment that had already experienced the harsh realities of combat during the Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina in October 1862.

By the time that he connected with his soon-to-be commanding officer, Captain Henry D. Woodruff, Company D was based with the 47th Pennsylvania in Florida. Having been ordered to Key West on 15 November of 1862, the whole of 1863 would be spent guarding federal installations there as part of the 10th Corps (X Corps), United States Army, Department of the South. Companies D, F, H, and K were assigned to garrison duties at Fort Jefferson in Florida’s Dry Tortugas while Companies A, B, C, E, G, and I were assigned to garrison Fort Taylor in Key West.

A letter to the New York Times, reprinted in the 30 April 1864 edition of the Semi-Weekly Wisconsin in Milwaukee, provided insight into the mindsets of the men from company D:

Remarkable History of a Military Company
To the Editor of the New York Times:

Company D of the 47th Pennsylvania Regiment, a portion of which recently spent some time at the Soldiers’ Rest, in our city, on the way to Key West, can show the following record. There are in the company the following men:

William Powell,                              } Four brothers and a cousin.
John Powell,

Andrew Powell,
Solomon Powell,
Daniel Powell,

John Brady,                                  } All brothers.
William Brady,
Ackinson Brady,
Leonard Brady,

Jacob Baltzer [sic, Baltozer],     } Brothers.
George Baltzer [sic, Baltozer],
Benjamin Baltzer [sic, Baltozer],

George Krosier [sic, Kosier],      } Brothers.
William Krosier [sic, Kosier],
Jesse Krosier [sic, Kosier],

Edward Harper,                          } Brothers [sic] and Brothers-
Marvin Harper,                                  in-law of the Captain.
George Harper,

Jesse Shaffer,                                   } Two Brothers and a Cousin.
Benjamin Shaffer,
William Shaffer,

Wilson Tag,                                      } Father and two sons; father
James Tag,                                         served in Mexican War.
Richard Tag,

John Clay,                                        } Six pairs of brothers.
George Clay,
Jacob Charles,
Eli Charles,
John Reynolds,
Jesse Reynolds,
John Vance,
Jonathan Vance,
John Anthony,
Benjamin Anthony,
William Vertig [sic],
Franklin Vertig [sic],

Isaac Baldwin,                                } Step-brothers.
Cyrus Taylor, 

These men all hail from Perry county, Pennsylvania. They are mainly of the old Holland stock, and lived within a circuit of fifteen miles. They are all re-enlisted men but two or three.

The company has been out over two years, most of the time at the extreme southern points. During eighteen months they lost but one man by sickness. They kept up strict salary regulations, commuted their rations of salt meat for fresh meat and vegetables, and saved by the operation from one hundred to one hundred thirty dollars a month, with which they made a company fund, appointing the Captain treasurer, and out of which whatever knick-nacks [sic] were needed could be purchased.

They always ate at a table, which they fixed with cross sticks, and had their food served from large bowls, each man having his place, as at home, which no one else was allowed to occupy. While the men were here, they showed that they were sober, cheerful, intelligent men, who had put their hearts into their work, and did not count any privations or sacrifices too great, if only the life of the country might thereby be maintained. During the whole term of their service, they had not had a man court-martialed.

They are commanded by Captain Henry D. Woodruff, a native of Binghamton, in this State, but long a resident of Pennsylvania. Their First Lieutenant is S. Ouchmuty [sic, Auchmuty]; Second Lieutenant, George Stroop.

If any company can show a more striking record, it would be very interesting to know it.

1864

Bayou Teche, Louisiana (Harper’s Weekly, 14 February 1863, public domain).

In early January 1864, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was ordered to expand the Union’s reach even further by sending part of the regiment north to retake possession of Fort Myers, a federal installation that had been abandoned in 1858 following the U.S. government’s third war with the Seminole Indians. Per orders issued earlier in 1864 by General D. P. Woodbury, Commanding Officer, U.S. Department of the Gulf, District of Key West and the Tortugas, that the fort be used to facilitate the Union’s Gulf Coast blockade, Captain Richard Graeffe and a group of men from Company A were charged with expanding the fort and conducting raids on area cattle herds to provide food for the growing Union troop presence across Florida. Graeffe and his men subsequently turned the fort into both their base of operations and a shelter for pro-Union supporters, escaped slaves, Confederate Army deserters, and others fleeing Rebel troops.

Meanwhile, all of the other companies of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry had already begun preparing for the regiment’s history-making journey to Louisiana. As part of those preparations, D Company Sergeant Jesse Meadath was promoted to the rank of first sergeant on 30 January.

Boarding the steamer Charles Thomas on 25 February 1864, the men from Companies B, C, D, I, and K of the 47th Pennsylvania headed for Algiers, Louisiana (across the river from New Orleans), followed on 1 March by other members of the regiment from Companies E, F, G, and H who had been stationed at Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas.

Upon the second group’s arrival, the now almost-fully-reunited regiment moved by train on 28 February to Brashear City (now Morgan City, Louisiana) before heading to Franklin by steamer through the Bayou Teche. There, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry joined the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division of the Department of the Gulf’s 19th Army Corps (XIX Corps), and became the only Pennsylvania regiment to serve in the Red River Campaign of Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks(Unable to reach Louisiana until 23 March, the men from Company A were effectively placed on a different type of detached duty in New Orleans while they awaited transport to enable them to catch up with the main part of their regiment. Charged with guarding and overseeing the transport of two hundred and forty-five Confederate prisoners, they were finally able to board the Ohio Belle on 7 April, and reached Alexandria, Louisiana with those prisoners on 9 April.)

Red River Campaign

Natchitoches, Louisiana (Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, 7 May 1864, U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).

The early days on the ground in Louisiana quickly woke the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers up to just how grueling this new phase of duty would be. From 14-26 March, most members of the regiment marched for Alexandria and Natchitoches, Louisiana, by way of New Iberia, Vermilionville (now part of Lafayette), Opelousas, and Washington.

From 4-5 April 1864, the regiment added to its roster of young Black soldiers when Aaron Bullard (later known as Aaron French), James BullardJohn BullardSamuel Jones, and Hamilton Blanchard (also known as John Hamilton) enrolled for military service with the 47th Pennsylvania at Natchitoches. According to their respective entries in the Civil War Veterans’ Card File at the Pennsylvania State Archives and on regimental muster rolls, the men were then officially mustered in for duty on 22 June at Morganza. Several of their entries noted that they were assigned the rank of “(Colored) Cook” while others were given the rank of “Under Cook.”

Often short on food and water throughout their long, harsh-climate trek through enemy territory, the 47th Pennsylvania encamped briefly at Pleasant Hill (now the Village of Pleasant Hill) the night of 7 April before continuing on the next day.

19th U.S. Army Map, Phase 3, Battle of Sabine Cross Roads/Mansfield (8 April 1864, public domain).

Rushed into battle ahead of other regiments in the 2nd Division, sixty members of the 47th were cut down on 8 April during the volley of fire unleashed in the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads. The fighting waned only when darkness fell as those who were uninjured collapsed beside the gravely wounded. Finally, after midnight, the surviving Union troops were ordered to withdraw to Pleasant Hill.

The next day, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were ordered into a critically important defensive position at the far right of the Union lines, their right flank spreading up onto a high bluff. By 3 p.m., after enduring a midday charge by the troops of Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner and son of Zachary Taylor, former president of the United States), the brutal fighting still showed no signs of ending. Suddenly, just as the 47th was shifting to the left side of the massed Union forces, the men of the 47th Pennsylvania were forced to bolster the 165th New York’s buckling lines by blocking another Confederate assault.

Casualties were high. The regiment’s second-in-command, Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, was severely wounded in both legs, and the regiment’s two color-bearers, both from Company C, were also wounded while preventing the American flag from falling into enemy hands. Still others from the 47th were captured, marched roughly one hundred and twenty-five miles to Camp Ford, a Confederate Army prison camp near Tyler, Texas, and held there as prisoners of war (POWs) until released during prisoner exchanges beginning 22 July 1864. At least two men from the 47th never made it out of that camp alive; another member of the regiment died while being treated at the Confederate Army hospital in Shreveport, Louisiana.

Following what some historians have called a rout by Confederates at Pleasant Hill and others have labeled a technical victory for the Union or a draw for both sides, the 47th fell back to Grand Ecore, where the men engaged in the hard labor of strengthening regimental and brigade fortifications. After eleven days at Grand Ecore, they then moved back to Natchitoches Parish on 22 April. Marching forty-five miles that day, they arrived in Cloutierville at 10 p.m. While en route, they were attacked again—this time at the rear of their brigade, but they were able to quickly end the encounter and continue on.

The 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were stationed just to the left of the “Thick Woods” with Emory’s 2nd Brigade, 1st Division as shown on this map of Union troop positions for the Battle of Cane River Crossing at Monett’s Ferry, Louisiana, 23 April 1864 (Major-General Nathaniel Banks’ official Red River Campaign Report, public domain).

The next morning (23 April 1864), episodic skirmishing quickly roared into the flames of a robust fight. As part of the advance party led by Union Brigadier-General William Emory, the 47th Pennsylvanians took on the Confederate cavalry of Brigadier-General Hamilton P. Bee in the Battle of Cane River (also known as “the Affair at Monett’s Ferry” or the “Cane River Crossing”).

Responding to a barrage from the Confederate artillery’s twenty-pound Parrott guns and raking fire from enemy troops situated near a bayou and on a bluff, Brigadier-General Emory directed one of his brigades to keep Bee’s Confederates busy while sending the other two brigades to find a safe spot where his Union troops could ford the Cane River. As part of the “beekeepers,” the 47th Pennsylvania supported Emory’s artillery.

In a letter penned from Morganza, Louisiana on 29 May, Henry Wharton described what had happened to the 47th Pennsylvanians during and immediately after making camp at Grand Ecore:

Our sojourn at Grand Ecore was for eleven days, during which time our position was well fortified by entrenchments for a length of five miles, made of heavy logs, five feet high and six feet wide, filled in with dirt. In front of this, trees were felled for a distance of two hundred yards, so that if the enemy attacked we had an open space before us which would enable our forces to repel them and follow if necessary. But our labor seemed to the men as useless, for on the morning of 22d April, the army abandoned these works and started for Alexandria. From our scouts it was ascertained that the enemy had passed some miles to our left with the intention of making a stand against our right at Bayou Cane, where there is a high bluff and dense woods, and at the same attack Smith’s forces who were bringing up the rear. This first day was a hard one on the boys, for by ten o’clock at night they made Cloutierville, a distance of forty-five miles. On that day the rear was attacked which caused our forces to reverse their front and form in line of battle, expecting too, to go back to the relief of Smith, but he needed no assistance, sending word to the front that he had ‘whipped them, and could do it again.’ It was well that Banks made so long a march on that day, for on the next we found the enemy prepared to carry out their design of attacking us front and rear. Skirmishing commenced early in the morning and as our columns advanced he fell back towards the bayou, when we soon discovered the position of their batteries on the bluff. There was then an artillery duel by the smaller pieces, and some sharp fighting by the cavalry, when the ‘mule battery,’ twenty pound Parrott guns, opened a heavy fire, which soon dislodged them, forcing the chivalry to flee in a manner not at all suitable to their boasted courage. Before this one cavalry, the 3d Brigade of the 1st Div., and Birges’ brigade of the second, had crossed the bayou and were doing good service, which, with the other work, made the enemy show their heels. The 3d brigade done some daring deeds in this fight, as also did the cavalry. In one instance the 3d charged up a hill almost perpendicular, driving the enemy back by the bayonet without firing a gun. The woods on this bluff was so thick that the cavalry had to dismount and fight on foot. During the whole of the day, our brigade, the 2d was supporting artillery, under fire all the time, and could not give Mr. Reb a return shot.

While we were fighting in front, Smith was engaged some miles in the rear, but he done his part well and drove them back. The rebel commanders thought by attacking us in the rear, and having a large face on the bluffs, they would be able to capture our train and take us all prisoners, but in this they were mistaken, for our march was so rapid that we were on them before they had thrown up the necessary earthworks. Besides they underrated the amount of our artillery, calculating from the number engaged at Pleasant Hill. The rebel prisoners say it ‘seems as though the Yankees manufacture, on short notice, artillery to order, and the men are furnished with wings when they wish to make a certain point.

The damage done to the Confederate cause by the burning of cotton was immense. On the night of the 22d our route was lighted up for miles and millions of dollars worth of this production was destroyed. This loss will be felt more by Davis & Co., than several defeats in this region, for the basis of the loan in England was on the cotton of Western Louisiana.

After the rebels had fled from the bluff the negro troops put down the pontoons, and by ten that night we were six miles beyond the bayou safely encamped. The next morning we moved forward and in two days were in Alexandria. Johnnys followed Smith’s forces, keeping out of range of his guns, except when he had gained the eminence across the bayou, when he punished them (the rebs) severely.

Christened “Bailey’s Dam” in reference to the Union officer who oversaw its construction, Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bailey, this timber dam built by the Union Army on the Red River near Alexandria, Louisiana in May 1864 facilitated Union gunboat passage (public domain).

Having finally reached Alexandria on 26 April, the 47th Pennsylvanians learned they would remain at their latest new camp for at least two weeks. Placed temporarily under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bailey, they were assigned yet again to the hard labor of fortification work, helping to erect “Bailey’s Dam,” a timber structure that enabled Union gunboats to more easily make their way back down the Red River. While stationed in Rapides Parish in late April and early May, according to Wharton:

We were at Alexandria seventeen days, during which time the men were kept busy at throwing up earthworks, foraging and three times went out some distance to meet the enemy, but they did not make their appearance in numbers large enough for an engagement. The water in the Red river had fallen so much that it prevented the gunboats from operating with us, and kept our transports from supplying the troops with rations, (and you know soldiers, like other people, will eat) so Banks was compelled to relinquish his designs on Shreveport and fall back to the Mississippi. To do this a large dam had to be built on the falls at Alexandria to get the ironclads down the river. After a great deal of labor this was accomplished and by the morning of May 13th the last one was through the shute [sic], when we bade adieu to Alexandria, marching through the town with banners flying and keeping step to the music of Rally around the flag,’ and ‘When this cruel war is over.’ The next morning, at our camping place, the fleet of boats passed us, when we were informed that Alexandria had been destroyed by fire – the act of a dissatisfied citizen and several negroes. Incendiary acts were strictly forbidden in a general order the day before we left the place, and a cavalry guard was left in the rear to see the order enforced. After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits [sic] on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.

On Sunday, May 15, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance. The windings of Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad wherewith the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. – We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed in line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired and we advanced ‘till dark, when the forces halted for the night, with orders to rest on their arms. – ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.

“Sleeping on Their Arms” by Winslow Homer (Harper’s Weekly, 21 May 1864).

Having entered Avoyelles Parish, they “rested on their arms” for the night, half-dozing without pitching their tents, but with their rifles right beside them. They were now positioned just outside of Marksville, Louisiana on the eve of the 16 May 1864 Battle of Mansura, which unfolded as follows, according to Wharton:

Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, the infantry advanced in line until they reached Mousoula [sic], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery. Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain correctly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties. The next day we moved to Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the Achafalaya [sic, Atchafalaya] river, where a bridge was made by putting the transports side by side, which enabled the troops and train to pass safely over. – The day before we crossed the rebels attacked Smith, thinking it was but the rear guard, in which they, the graybacks, were awfully cut up, and four hundred prisoners fell into our hands. Our loss in killed and wounded was ninety. This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.

It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of our army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.

Union Army base at Morganza Bend, Louisiana, circa 1863-1865 (U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).

Continuing on, the surviving members of the 47th marched for Simmesport and then Morganza, where they made camp again. While encamped there, the nine formerly enslaved Black men who had enlisted with the 47th Pennsylvania in Beaufort, South Carolina (1862) and Natchitoches, Louisiana (April 1864) were officially mustered into the regiment between 20-24 June 1864.

The regiment then moved on once again, and arrived in New Orleans in late June.

As they did during their tour through the Carolinas and Florida, the men of the 47th had battled the elements and disease, as well as the Confederate Army, in order to continue to defend their nation. Ironically, on the Fourth of July—“Independence Day”—Private David Rose and his D Company comrades learned from their superior officers that their independence from military life would not be happening anytime soon because the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers had received new orders to head for the Eastern Theater of the war.

U.S. Steamer McClellan (Alfred Waud, circa 1860-1865, U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).

Boarding the U.S. Steamer McClellan, they sailed out of the harbor at New Orleans, along with the members of Companies A, C, E, F, H, and I. (Meanwhile, the men from Companies B, G and K awaited transport back in Louisiana. They departed later that month aboard the Blackstone.)

Following the arrival of the McClellan in Virginia and a memorable encounter with President Abraham Lincoln on 12 July, Private David Rose and the members of Companies A, C, D, E, F, H, and I joined up with Major-General David Hunter’s forces at Snicker’s Gap in mid-July 1864. There, they fought in the Battle of Cool Spring and assisted in defending Washington, D.C. while also driving Confederate troops from Maryland.

Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign

Attached to the Middle Military Division, U.S. Army of the Shenandoah in Virginia, beginning in August 1864, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was initially assigned to defensive duties in and around Halltown during the opening days of that month before engaging in a series of back-and-forth movements over the next several weeks between Halltown, Berryville and other locations within that vicinity (Middletown, Charlestown and Winchester) as part of a “mimic war” being waged by the Union forces of Major-General Philip H. Sheridan with those commanded by Confederate Lieutenant-General Jubal Early.

After the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers fought in the Battle of Berryville, Virginia from 3-4 December, clean-up skirmishes were waged with Confederate stragglers over the next several days.

The opening days of September also saw the departure of several 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers who had served honorably, including Company D’s Captain Henry Woodruff, First Lieutenant Samuel Auchmuty, Sergeants Henry Heikel and Alex Wilson, and Corporals Cornelius Stewart and Samuel A. M. Reed. All mustered out on 18 September 1864 upon expiration of their respective service terms. At least one of those departures—that of Sergeant Henry Heikel—might have been prevented had senior military leaders been more responsive to regimental advancement requests. According to historian Lewis Schmidt:

On Tuesday [9 August 1864], the 47th prepared to resume its march, this time from Halltown back to Middletown where the regiment arrived on Friday. Letters from both Col. Good and Capt. Gobin to the Governor and the Adjutant General of Pa. were written regarding promotions on this date from ‘In the field near Halltown’. In Company D, 54 of the non-commissioned officers and Privates signed a letter to the Governor’s office requesting that Sgt. Henry Heikel be promoted to Captain and Cpl. George W. Clay to Lieutenant. They were unsuccessful and this time, and other more senior men would be promoted to these positions. Sgt. Heikel would muster out the following month at the expiration of his term, and Cpl. Clay would eventually attained the rank of 1st Lieutenant on June 2, 1865.

And experienced, battle-tested leaders would be needed in the days and weeks ahead because those members of the 47th who did opt to remain on duty were about to engage in their regiment’s greatest moments of valor.

Battles of Opequan and Fisher’s Hill—September 1864

Battle of Opequan (aka Third Winchester), Virginia, 19 September 1864 (public domain).

The 47th Pennsylvania’s march toward destiny at Opequan began at 2 a.m. on 19 September 1864 as the regiment left camp and joined up with others in the Union’s 19th Corps. After advancing slowly from Berryville toward Winchester, the 19th Corps became bogged down for several hours by the massive movement of Union troops and supply wagons, enabling Early’s men to dig in. After finally reaching the Opequan Creek, Sheridan’s men came face to face with the Confederate Army commanded by Early. The fighting, which began in earnest at noon, was long and brutal. The Union’s left flank (6th Corps) took a beating from Confederate artillery stationed on high ground.

Meanwhile, the 47th Pennsylvania and the 19th Corps were directed by Brigadier-General Emory to attack and pursue Major-General John B. Gordon’s Confederate forces. Some success was achieved, but casualties mounted as another Confederate artillery group opened fire on Union troops trying to cross a clearing. When a nearly fatal gap began to open between the 6th and 19th Corps, Sheridan sent in units led by Brigadier-Generals Emory Upton and David A. Russell. Russell, hit twice—once in the chest, was mortally wounded. The 47th Pennsylvania opened its lines long enough to enable the Union cavalry under William Woods Averell and the foot soldiers of Brigadier-General George Crook to charge the Confederates’ left flank.

The 19th Corps, with the 47th in the thick of the fighting, then began pushing the Confederates back. Early’s “grays” retreated in the face of the valor displayed by Sheridan’s “blue jackets.” Leaving 2,500 wounded behind, the Rebels retreated to Fisher’s Hill (21-22 September), eight miles south of Winchester, and then to Waynesboro, following a successful early morning flanking attack by Sheridan’s Union men which outnumbered Early’s three to one.

Afterward, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were sent out on skirmishing parties before making camp at Cedar Creek.

Battle of Cedar Creek, 19 October 1864

Alfred Waud’s 1864 sketch, “Surprise at Cedar Creek,” captured the flanking attack on the rear of Union Brigadier-General William Emory’s 19th Corps by Lieutenant-General Jubal Early’s Confederate army, and the subsequent resistance by Emory’s troops from their Union rifle-pit positions, 19 October 1864 (public domain).

It was during the fall of 1864 that Major-General Sheridan began the first of the Union’s true “scorched earth” campaigns, starving the enemy into submission by destroying Virginia’s crops and farming infrastructure. Viewed through today’s lens of history as inhumane, the strategy claimed many innocents—civilians whose lives were cut short by their inability to find food. This same strategy, however, almost certainly contributed to the further turning of the war’s tide in the Union’s favor during the Battle of Cedar Creek on 19 October 1864. Successful throughout most of their engagement with Union forces at Cedar Creek, Early’s Confederate troops began peeling off in ever growing numbers to forage for food, thus enabling the 47th Pennsylvania and others under Sheridan’s command to rally.

From a military standpoint, it was another impressive, but heartrending day. During the morning of 19 October, Early launched a surprise attack directly on Sheridan’s Cedar Creek-encamped forces. Early’s men were able to capture Union weapons while freeing a number of Confederates who had been taken prisoner during previous battles—all while pushing seven Union divisions back. According to Bates:

When the Army of West Virginia, under Crook, was surprised and driven from its works, the Second Brigade, with the Forty-seventh on the right, was thrown into the breach to arrest the retreat…. Scarcely was it in position before the enemy came suddenly upon it, under the cover of fog. The right of the regiment was thrown back until it was almost a semi-circle. The brigade, only fifteen hundred strong, was contending against Gordon’s entire division, and was forced to retire, but, in comparative good order, exposed, as it was, to raking fire. Repeatedly forming, as it was pushed back, and making a stand at every available point, it finally succeeded in checking the enemy’s onset, when General Sheridan suddenly appeared upon the field, who ‘met his crest-fallen, shattered battalions, without a word of reproach, but joyously swinging his cap, shouted to the stragglers, as he rode rapidly past them – “Face the other way, boys! We are going back to our camp! We are going to lick them out of their boots!’”

Sheridan Rallying His Troops, Battle of Cedar Creek, Virginia, 19 October 1864 (U.S. Library of Congress, public domain).

The Union’s counterattack punched Early’s forces into submission, and the men of the 47th were commended for their heroism by General Stephen Thomas who, in 1892, was awarded the Medal of Honor for his own “distinguished conduct in a desperate hand-to-hand encounter, in which the advance of the enemy was checked” that day. Bates described the 47th’s actions:

When the final grand charge was made, the regiment moved at nearly right angles with the rebel front. The brigade charged gallantly, and the entire line, making a left wheel, came down on his flank, while engaging the Sixth Corps, when he went “whirling up the valley” in confusion. In the pursuit to Fisher’s Hill, the regiment led, and upon its arrival was placed on the skirmish line, where it remained until twelve o’clock noon of the following day. The army was attacked at early dawn…no respite was given to take food until the pursuit was ended.

Once again, casualties for the 47th were high. While Perry County resident and Regimental Chaplain William Rodrock suffered only a frightening near miss when a bullet pierced his cap, Sergeant William Pyers, the C Company man who had so gallantly rescued the flag at Pleasant Hill was cut down and later buried on the battlefield. Corporal Edward Harper of Company D was wounded, but survived, as did Corporal Isaac Baldwin, who had been wounded earlier at Pleasant Hill.

Still others, who had been captured and transported from the Cedar Creek battlefield area to the Confederate Army’s notorious Salisbury, North Carolina prison camp, died there from disease or starvation within a few short weeks after their confinement.

Following these major engagements, the 47th was ordered to Camp Russell near Winchester from November through most of December. On 14 November, Second Lieutenant George Stroop was promoted to the rank of captain. Rested and somewhat healed, the 47th was then ordered to outpost and railroad guard duties at Camp Fairview in Charlestown, West Virginia. Five days before Christmas, they marched toward their new home during an intense snowstorm.

1865-1866

Spectators gathered for the Grand Review of the Armies, 23-24 May 1865, beside the crepe-draped U.S. Capitol, flag at half-mast following the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln (Matthew Brady, U.S. Library of Congress, public domain.)

Still stationed at Camp Fairview in West Virginia as the New Year dawned, the reshuffling of Company D’s leadership continued as Corporal Isaac Baldwin, twice wounded in battle, was promoted to the rank of sergeant on 20 January 1865, Corporal George W. Clay became a second lieutenant on 30 January and Captain George Stroop was promoted again, this time to the rank of major on 30 March.

Reassigned to the Provisional Division of the 2nd Brigade of the U.S. Army of the Shenandoah in February, the men of the 47th were ordered to head to Washington, D.C., via Winchester and Kernstown, where, by 19 April, they were responsible for helping to defend the nation’s capital—this time following the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln. Encamped near Fort Stevens, they received new uniforms and were resupplied with ample ammunition.

Letters written to family members back home during this time and newspaper interviews conducted after the war with veterans of the 47th Pennsylvania indicate that at least one 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer was given the high honor of guarding President Lincoln’s funeral train while others may have guarded the key Lincoln assassination conspirators during the early days of their imprisonment and trial.

As part of Dwight’s Division of the 2nd Brigade of the Department of Washington’s 22nd Corps, Private David Rose and the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers also participated in the Union’s Grand Review of the Armies on 23-24 May. Shortly thereafter, Private David Rose was reported as having deserted from his regiment on 3 June 1865, while it was stationed near Washington, D.C.

Return to Civilian Life

Washington block on Michigan Street, South Bend, Indiana, circa 1870 (public domain).

Whether or not David C. Rose returned home to Pennsylvania or opted to immediately migrate west to spare his family potential embarrassment regarding his desertion from the military is still not clear, but what is certain is that, sometime in 1870, he settled in South Bend, St. Joseph County, Indiana, where he initially lived with his older brother, Daniel, a thirty-eight-year-old laborer. Also residing with them were Daniel’s wife, Elizabeth, and their children: Fanny, Daniel Jr. and Emma.

David then decided to make a new life for himself in Warren Township, where he met Mary Frame (1849-1931), a daughter of Abraham Frame (1818-1890) and Martha (Poff) Frame (1824-1905). They were married at her home on 22 May 1871 during a ceremony that was officiated by Elder Jacob Cripe. Together, they welcomed the births of sons John Abraham Rose (1872-1948), who was born on 18 March 1872, and David Edgar Rose (1879-1961), who was born on 23 November 1879.

Employed as a farmer, beginning in the 1870s, David C. Rose gradually acquired more and more land of his own; by 1880, he owned one hundred and ten acres of land in St. Joseph County. He then continued to farm that Warren Township land for more than forty years.

After years of cultivating corn, potatoes and wheat, he transformed a significant percentage of his acreage into an orchard and fruit farm. In 1894, South Bend’s newspaper, The Tribune reported that “a plum tree” on “David Rose’s place in Warren township” was “bearing its second crop of fruit and blossoms and a lilac bush [was] throwing out its third production of blossoms” that year. In 1904, he was described by The South Bend Tribune as “one of the pioneers and leading farmers of the county.”

The next year, he was described by that same publication as a “well known fruit grower north east of the city” of South Bend. He credited his success to the quality of his soil—“a sandy, gravelly loam with some clay” that he felt was “equal to the soil of the celebrated Michigan fruit belt.”

Some of his trees bear the strawberry apple, a fine general purpose fruit of rich color and beautiful appearance. They have been bearing for three years. He also grows other varieties of good flavor and excellent for eating or cooking. The winter apple crop will be short, but the yield of fall apples will be good. Mr. Rose also has 1,000 peach trees from one to three years old from which he has obtained some fruit. He expects a full crop from his 200 four year old peach trees.

That same year, The Tribune reported that David Rose’s U.S. Civil War Pension had been cancelled:

Mr. David Rose, of Warren township, is in a query to know why payment has been refused on his pension. It has been stopped and he does not know why.

According to his U.S. Civil War Pension General Index Card, he had filed for his veterans’ pension on 17 February 1880. That index card indicated that records of the U.S. Bureau of Pensions confirmed that he had served with both Company M of the 16th Pennsylvania Cavalry and with Company D of the 47th Pennsylvania Infantry, but made no mention of his alleged desertion from the 47th Pennsylvania. Researchers theorize that Pension Bureau officials may have been alerted to his 1865 desertion, and that single, long-ago act may have affected his pension payments in 1894.

But he still continued to find success through his orchard operations. In 1911, The South Bend Tribune reported that “Apples that weigh[ed] one pound each and average[ed] from 12 to 14 and more inches in circumference” were brought to South Bend by “David Rose, owner of the Rose Hill fruit farm, in the northwestern part of Warren township,” adding that the apples were “of the Wolf river variety,” and came from two trees that had produced sixty-five bushels of fruit.

David C. Rose and his wife, Mary (Frame) Rose celebrated their fiftieth wedding anniversary in May 1921 (“Pioneers of St. Joseph County Married for Half a Century.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 21 May 1921, public domain).

Later news articles reported that two of his successful varietals were the “mountain Rose” peach and “a mammoth gooseberry that he call[ed] the Red Jacket.” He also raised Black Mirella Cherries, blackberries, currants, raspberries, and strawberries.

In May 1921, David Rose and his wife, Mary (Frame) Rose, celebrated their Golden Wedding Anniversary. Described as being “among the county’s oldest and best known residents,” they were feted at a fiftieth wedding anniversary party held in their honor at their home during the afternoon of 23 May. They had been active members of the Church of the Brethren for fifty years. He had also served as president of the Portage Prairie Cemetery Association during the 1920s.

Death and Interment

David C. Rose died from heart disease in New Carlisle, St. Joseph County on 8 January 1922, and was laid to rest at the Portage Prairie Cemetery in that community.

What Happened to the Wife and Children of David Rose?

David Rose’s widow, Mary (Frame) Rose, survived him by nearly a decade. Following her death in St. Joseph County on 14 May 1931, she was interred beside her husband at the Portage Prairie Cemetery in New Castle.

His son, David Edgar Rose, grew up to become a man who was committed to public service. Retiring after a long career with South Bend’s Streets Department, he died suddenly from a coronary thrombosis in Elkhart, Indiana on 23 April 1861, and was interred at the highland Cemetery in South Bend on 24 April.

 

Sources:

  1. “Apples of Pound Each.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 28 September 1911.
  2. Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
  3. “Cemetery Meeting.” South Bend, Indiana: South Bend News-Times, 5 June 1920.
  4. “Daniel Rose” (obituary of David Rose’s brother, Daniel.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 13 December 1904.
  5. David C. Rose, in Death Certificates (2847, Registered No. 1, 8 January 1922). Indianapolis, Indiana: Indiana State Board of Health, Division of Vital Records.
  6. David Edgar Rose, in Death Certificates (’61-011728, 23 April 1961). Indianapolis, Indiana: Indiana State Board of Health, Division of Vital Records.
  7. David Rose and Mary Frame, in Marriage Records. South Bend, Indiana: Archives and Records Center, St. Joseph County.
  8. “Fruit Is Unharmed.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 10 May 1905.
  9. “Great Year for Peaches.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 4 August 1905.
  10. Illustrated Historical Atlas of St. Joseph County, Indiana. Chicago, Illinois: Higgins Belden & Co., 1875.
  11. “Local Fruit at Big Fair.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 7 September 1906.
  12. “Makes Fine Peach Display.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 12 September 1905.
  13. “Money from Fruit: Pays Better Than Corn and Wheat Raising.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 31 August 1904.
  14. “No Apples This Year: Crop Injured by the Late Frosts, Though Trees Blossomed Freely.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 15 July 1905.
  15. “Pioneers of St. Joseph County Married for Half a Century.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 21 May 1921.
  16. Rose, Daniel, Elizabeth, Fanny, Daniel Jr., Emma, and David, in U.S. Census (South Bend, St. Joseph County, Indiana, 1870). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  17. Rose, David, in Civil War Veterans’ Card File, 1861-1866 (Companies M and G, 16th Pennsylvania Cavalry and Company D, 47th Pennsylvania Infantry. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State Archives.
  18. Rose, David in Civil War Muster Rolls (16th Pennsylvania Cavalry, Company G, 1862-1863). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State Archives.
  19. Rose, David in Civil War Muster Rolls (47th Pennsylvania Infantry, Company D, 1863-1864). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State Archives.
  20. Rose, David, Mary, John, and Edgar, in U.S. Census (Warren Township, St. Joseph County, Indiana, 1880). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  21. Rose, David, Mary and John, in U.S. Census (Warren Township, St. Joseph County, Indiana, 1900). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  22. Rose, David and Mary, in U.S. Census (Warren Township, St. Joseph County, Indiana, 1920). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  23. Rose, David and Mary E., in U.S. Civil War Pension and U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files (veteran’s application no.: 347637, certificate no.: 525142, filed on 17 February 1880; widow’s pension application no.: 1187698, certificate no.: 923199, filed by the widow from Indiana on 15 April 1922). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  24. Rose, John, Elizabeth, Daniel, Jacob, Catharine, Mary, William, and David, in U.S. Census (Middle Paxton Township, Dauphin County, Pennsylvania, 1850). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  25. Rose, John, Kate and David, in U.S. Census (Township, Dauphin County, Pennsylvania, 1860). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  26. Schmidt, Lewis. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
  27. “St. Joseph County Fruit: Big Apples From a Warren Township Orchard.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 23 September 1903.
  28. “The Local Pickup.” South Bend, Indiana: The Tribune, 29 October 1894.
  29. “Took the Potato Prize.” South Bend, Indiana: The South Bend Tribune, 16 November 1895.
  30. “Warren Township,” in History of St. Joseph County, Indiana. Chicago, Illinois: Chas. C. Chapman & Co, 1880.

 

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