“Lieut. Reese, proprietor of the Reese House, this place, during the past week had several paper balloon ascensions come off on Market street in the evenings. These balloons are procured from New York, and created quite a sensation among those who witnessed the ascension.”
— Sunbury American, 8 July 1871
Railroad man. Shoemaker. Soldier. Restauranteur.
A creative thinker with the heart of an entrepreneur, William Reese experienced soaring highs punctuated by deep, sometimes shocking lows—dark times he somehow managed to rise above in order to continue putting one foot in front of another as he forged his path in life.
Although little is known about his earliest years, researchers believe that William Reese (alternate spelling: “Rees”) was born in Pennsylvania on 29 March 1831, and grew up to marry sometime around 1850, according to several unsourced family trees on Ancestry.com. His wife, Mary A. (Fisher) Reese (1828-1902), was also a native of Pennsylvania.
Together, William and Mary Reese welcomed the birth of son Andrew M. Reese (1851-1914) on 26 May 1851.
By 1860, the trio resided in Mifflintown, Juniata County, Pennsylvania, where William was employed as a laborer for the Pennsylvania Railroad Company (P.R.R.).
But their happy homelife would soon be disrupted as American descended into disunion and civil war.
Civil War Military Service
William Reese enrolled for Civil War military service on 19 August 1861 in Sunbury, Northumberland County, Pennsylvania, and then officially mustered in for duty at Camp Curtin in Harrisburg, Dauphin County on 2 September. He entered at the rank of Second Lieutenant with Company C of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry—a rank which indicates that he may have performed prior military service with a different military unit or militia organization prior to enrolling with the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers.
Military records at the time of his enlistment with the 47th described Second Lieutenant Reese as a shoemaker living in Juniata County who was 5’8½” tall with light hair, blue eyes and a light complexion.
Note: Company C was also known as the “Sunbury Guards” because it was a unit raised in, and composed largely of, men from Sunbury, Northumberland County, Pennsylvania, many of whom had served previously with the local militia unit of that same name. The 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry’s C Company was commanded by Captain John Peter Shindel Gobin, who would later go on to become Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
By 17 September 1861, a total of 101 men had officially mustered in with Company C, including the youngest and oldest members of the entire regiment, John Boulton Young (aged 12) and Benjamin Walls (aged 65). In a letter home sent around this time, C Company Captain John Peter Shindel Gobin provided these details about the regiment’s status:
We expect to leave tonight for Washington or Baltimore. Our company has been made the color company of the regiment, the letter being accorded to rotation used, C. It is the same as E in the 11th. Wm. M. Hendricks has been appointed Sergeant Major, so that Sunbury is pretty well represented in the regiment, having the Quartermaster, Sergeant Major and Color Company…. Boulton is lying by me as I write, just about going to sleep.
Following a brief training period in light infantry tactics during which time the 47th Pennsylvanians were housed at the reportedly pleasant Camp Curtin No. 2 (located on the field next to the main camp), the men of Company C were then shipped by rail with their fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers to Washington, D.C. where they were stationed roughly two miles from the White House at “Camp Kalorama” on Kalorama Heights near Georgetown beginning 21 September.
“It is a very fine location for a camp,” wrote Captain Gobin. “Good water is handy, while Rock Creek, which skirts one side of us, affords an excellent place for washing and bathing.”
Henry Wharton, a musician from C Company penned the following update for the Sunbury American on 22 September:
After a tedious ride we have, at last, safely arrived at the City of ‘magnificent distances.’ We left Harrisburg on Friday last at 1 o’clock A.M. and reached this camp yesterday (Saturday) at 4 P.M., as tired and worn out a sett [sic] of mortals as can possibly exist. On arriving at Washington we were marched to the ‘Soldiers Retreat,’ a building purposely erected for the benefit of the soldier, where every comfort is extended to him and the wants of the ‘inner man’ supplied.
After partaking of refreshments we were ordered into line and marched, about three miles, to this camp. So tired were the men, that on marching out, some gave out, and had to leave the ranks, but J. Boulton Young, our ‘little Zouave,’ stood it bravely, and acted like a veteran. So small a drummer is scarcely seen in the army, and on the march through Washington he was twice the recipient of three cheers.
We were reviewed by Gen. McClellan yesterday [21 September 1861] without our knowing it. All along the march we noticed a considerable number of officers, both mounted and on foot; the horse of one of the officers was so beautiful that he was noticed by the whole regiment, in fact, so wrapt [sic] up were they in the horse, the rider wasn’t noticed, and the boys were considerably mortified this morning on dis-covering [sic] they had missed the sight of, and the neglect of not saluting the soldier next in command to Gen. Scott.
Col. Good, who has command of our regiment, is an excellent man and a splendid soldier. He is a man of very few words, and is continually attending to his duties and the wants of the Regiment.
I am happy to inform you that our young townsman, Mr. William Hendricks, has received the appointment of Sergeant Major to our Regiment. He made his first appearance at guard mounting this morning; he looked well, done up his duties admirably, and, in time, will make an excellent officer. Our Regiment will now be put to hard work; such as drilling and the usual business of camp life, and the boys expect and hope an occasional ‘pop’ at the enemy.
On 24 September 1861, Second Lieutenant William Reese and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers formally mustered into the U.S. Army on in a ceremony filled with pomp and celebration.
* Note: According to one source, First Lieutenant James Van Dyke, Northumberland County’s former sheriff, was promoted from the ranks of Company C to serve with the regiment’s central command as Regimental Quartermaster on 24 September 1861. According to historian Samuel P. Bates, however, that promotion was effected back in August of 1861.
On 27 September—a rainy day, the 47th Pennsylvania was assigned to the 3rd Brigade of Brigadier-General Isaac Ingalls Stevens, which also included the 33rd, 49th and 79th New York regiments. By that afternoon, the 47th Pennsylvania was on the move again. Ordered onward by Brigadier-General Silas Casey, the Mississippi rifle-armed 47th Pennsylvania infantrymen marched behind their regimental band until reaching Camp Lyon, Maryland on the Potomac River’s eastern shore. At 5 p.m., they joined the 46th Pennsylvania in moving double-quick (165 steps per minute using 33-inch steps) across the “Chain Bridge” marked on federal maps, and continued on for roughly another mile before being ordered to make camp.
The next morning, they broke camp and moved again. Marching toward Falls Church, Virginia, they arrived at Camp Advance around dusk. There, about two miles from the bridge they had crossed a day earlier, they re-pitched their tents in a deep ravine near a new federal fort under construction (Fort Ethan Allen). They had completed a roughly eight-mile trek, were situated fairly close to the headquarters of Brigadier-General William Farrar Smith (“Baldy”), and were now part of the massive Army of the Potomac (“Mr. Lincoln’s Army”). Under Smith’s leadership, their regiment and brigade would help to defend the nation’s capital from the time of their September arrival through late January when the men of the 47th Pennsylvania would be shipped south.
Once again, Company C Musician Henry Wharton recapped the regiment’s activities, noting, via his 29 September letter home to the Sunbury American, that the 47th had changed camps three times in three days:
On Friday last we left Camp Kalorama, and the same night encamped about one mile from the Chain Bridge on the opposite side of the Potomac from Washington. The next morning, Saturday, we were ordered to this Camp [Camp Advance near Fort Ethan Allen, Virginia], one and a half miles from the one we occupied the night previous. I should have mentioned that we halted on a high hill (on our march here) at the Chain Bridge, called Camp Lyon, but were immediately ordered on this side of the river. On the route from Kalorama we were for two hours exposed to the hardest rain I ever experienced. Whew, it was a whopper; but the fellows stood it well – not a murmur – and they waited in their wet clothes until nine o’clock at night for their supper. Our Camp adjoins that of the N.Y. 79th (Highlanders.)….
We had not been in this Camp more than six hours before our boys were supplied with twenty rounds of ball and cartridge, and ordered to march and meet the enemy; they were out all night and got back to Camp at nine o’clock this morning, without having a fight. They are now in their tents taking a snooze preparatory to another march this morning…. I don’t know how long the boys will be gone, but the orders are to cook two days’ rations and take it with them in their haversacks….
There was a nice little affair came off at Lavensville [sic], a few miles from here on Wednesday last; our troops surprised a party of rebels (much larger than our own.) killing ten, took a Major prisoner, and captured a large number of horses, sheep and cattle, besides a large quantity of corn and potatoes, and about ninety six tons of hay. A very nice day’s work. The boys are well, in fact, there is no sickness of any consequence at all in our Regiment….
Sometime during this phase of duty, as part of the 3rd Brigade, the 47th Pennsylvanians were moved to a site they initially christened “Camp Big Chestnut” for the large chestnut tree located within their lodging’s boundaries. The site would eventually become known to the Keystone Staters as “Camp Griffin,” and was located roughly 10 miles from Washington, D.C.
On 11 October, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers marched in the Grand Review at Bailey’s Cross Roads. In a letter home in mid-October, Captain Gobin reported that the right wing of the 47th Pennsylvania (companies A, C, D, F and I) was ordered to picket duty after the left-wing companies (B, G, K, E, and H) were forced to return to camp by Confederate troops:
I was ordered to take my company to Stewart’s house, drive the Rebels from it, and hold it at all hazards. It was about 3 o’clock in the morning, so waiting until it was just getting day, I marched 80 men up; but the Rebels had left after driving Capt. Kacy’s company [H] into the woods. I took possession of it, and stationed my men, and there we were for 24 hours with our hands on our rifles, and without closing an eye. I took ten men, and went out scouting within half a mile of the Rebels, but could not get a prisoner, and we did not dare fire on them first. Do not think I was rash, I merely obeyed orders, and had ten men with me who could whip a hundred; Brosius, Piers [sic], Harp and McEwen were among the number. Every man in the company wanted to go. The Rebels did not attack us, and if they had they would have met with a warm reception, as I had my men posted in such a manner that I could have whipped a regiment. My men were all ready and anxious for a “fight.”
Captain Gobin had been referring to Brigadier-General James Ewell Brown (“J.E.B.”) Stuart, commanding officer of the Confederate Army of the Potomac (later known as the Army of Northern Virginia), under whose authority the 4th Virginia Cavalry (“Black Horse Cavalry”) fell. Stuart’s Fairfax County, Virginia home had been commandeered by the Union Army and used by the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers and other Union regiments as the base of operations for their picket lines in that area.
In his own letter of this period (on 13 October to the Sunbury American), Henry Wharton described the typical duties of the 47th Pennsylvanians, as well as their new home:
The location of our camp is fine and the scenery would be splendid if the view was not obstructed by heavy thickets of pine and innumerable chesnut [sic] trees. The country around us is excellent for the Rebel scouts to display their bravery; that is, to lurk in the dense woods and pick off one of our unsuspecting pickets. Last night, however, they (the Rebels) calculated wide of their mark; some of the New York 33d boys were out on picket; some fourteen or fifteen shots were exchanged, when our side succeeded in bringing to the dust, (or rather mud,) an officer and two privates of the enemy’s mounted pickets. The officer was shot by a Lieutenant in Company H [?], of the 33d.
Our own boys have seen hard service since we have been on the ‘sacred soil.’ One day and night on picket, next day working on entrenchments at the Fort, (Ethan Allen.) another on guard, next on march and so on continually, but the hardest was on picket from last Thursday morning ‘till Saturday morning – all the time four miles from camp, and both of the nights the rain poured in torrents, so much so that their clothes were completely saturated with the rain. They stood it nobly – not one complaining; but from the size of their haversacks on their return, it is no wonder that they were satisfied and are so eager to go again tomorrow. I heard one of them say ‘there was such nice cabbage, sweet and Irish potatoes, turnips, &c., out where their duty called them, and then there was a likelihood of a Rebel sheep or young porker advancing over our lines and then he could take them as ‘contraband’ and have them for his own use.’ When they were out they saw about a dozen of the Rebel cavalry and would have had a bout with them, had it not been for…unlucky circumstance – one of the men caught the hammer of his rifle in the strap of his knapsack and caused his gun to fire; the Rebels heard the report and scampered in quick time….
Wharton also reported that all of the men were well; unfortunately, he would be proven wrong. On 17 October 1861, the 47th Pennsylvania’s beloved drummer boy, John Boulton Young, succumbed to Variola (smallpox) while he was hospitalized at the Union Army’s Kalorama eruptive fever hospital in Georgetown. The men were given little time to grieve, however, for on Friday morning, 22 October 1861, the 47th was ordered to participate in a Divisional Review, described by historian Lewis Schmidt as massing “about 10,000 infantry, 1000 cavalry, and twenty pieces of artillery all in one big open field.”
In early November, Gobin observed that “the health of the Company and Regiment are in the best condition. No cases of small pox have appeared since the death of Boultie.” A few patients remained in the hospital with fever, but ultimately recovered.
Half of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, including Company C, were next ordered to join parts of the 33rd Maine and 46th New York in extending the reach of their division’s picket lines, which they did successfully to “a half mile beyond Lewinsville,” according to Gobin.
In another letter home on 17 November, Henry Wharton revealed more details about life at Camp Griffin:
This morning our brigade was out for inspection; arms, accoutrements [sic], clothing, knapsacks, etc, all were out through a thorough examination, and if I must say it myself, our company stood best, A No. 1, for cleanliness. We have a new commander to our Brigade, Brigadier General Brannen [sic], of the U.S. Army, and if looks are any criterion, I think he is a strict disciplinarian and one who will be as able to get his men out of danger as he is willing to lead them to battle….
The boys have plenty of work to do, such as piquet [sic] duty, standing guard, wood-chopping, police duty and day drill; but then they have the most substantial food; our rations consist of fresh beef (three times a week) pickled pork, pickled beef, smoked pork, fresh bread, daily, which is baked by our own bakers, the Quartermaster having procured portable ovens for that purpose, potatoes, split peas, beans, occasionally molasses and plenty of good coffee, so you see Uncle Sam supplies us plentifully….
A few nights ago our Company was out on piquet [sic]; it was a terrible night, raining very hard the whole night, and what made it worse, the boys had to stand well to their work and dare not leave to look for shelter. Some of them consider they are well paid for their exposure, as they captured two ancient muskets belonging to Secessia. One of them is of English manufacture, and the other has the Virginia militia mark on it. They are both in a dilapidated condition, but the boys hold them in high estimation as they are trophies from the enemy, and besides they were taken from the house of Mrs. Stewart, sister to the rebel Jackson who assassinated the lamented Ellsworth at Alexandria. The honorable lady, Mrs. Stewart, is now a prisoner at Washington and her house is the headquarters of the command of the piquets [sic]….
Since the success of the secret expedition, we have all kinds of rumors in camp. One is that our Brigade will be sent to the relief of Gen. Sherman, in South Carolina. The boys all desire it and the news in the ‘Press’ is correct, that a large force is to be sent there, I think their wish will be gratified….
Then, on 21 November, Second Lieutenant William Reese and his fellow 47th Pennsylvanians participated in a morning divisional headquarters review overseen by the regiment’s founder, Colonel Tilghman H. Good, followed by brigade and division drills all afternoon. According to historian Schmidt, “each man was supplied with ten blank cartridges…. After the reviews and inspections, Gen. Smith requested Gen. Brannan to inform Col. Good that the 47th was the best regiment in the whole division.”
As a reward for the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers’ outstanding performance during this review and in preparation for the even bigger adventures yet to come, Brigadier-General John Milton Brannan directed his staff to ensure that new Springfield rifles were obtained and distributed to every member of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers.
With the New Year came new leadership responsibilities. On 14 January 1862, Second Lieutenant William Reese was promoted to the rank of First Lieutenant while First Sergeant Daniel Oyster advanced to the rank of Second Lieutenant.
Having been ordered to move from their Virginia encampment back to Maryland, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers left Camp Griffin at 8:30 a.m. on Wednesday, 22 January 1862, marching through deep mud with their equipment for three miles in order to reach the railroad station at Falls Church.
Shipped by rail to Alexandria, Virginia, they then sailed the Potomac via the steamship City of Richmond to the Washington Arsenal, where they were reequipped. From there, they were then marched off for dinner and rest at the Soldiers’ Retreat in Washington, D.C. Typically, rest areas such as this one were barracks-style way stations situated near major military transit hubs, which provided bathing facilities, dining areas, and rooms where soldiers could read or sleep before heading off to their duty assignments.
The next afternoon, the 47th Pennsylvanians hopped cars on the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and headed for Annapolis, Maryland. Arriving around 10 p.m., they were assigned quarters in barracks at the Naval Academy. They then spent that Friday through Monday (24-27 January 1862) loading their equipment and other supplies onto the steamship Oriental.
According to Schmidt and letters home from members of the regiment, those preparations ceased on Monday, 27 January, at 10 a.m. when:
The regiment was formed and instructed by Lt. Col. Alexander ‘that we were about drumming out a member who had behaved himself unlike a soldier.’ …. The prisoner, Pvt. James C. Robinson of Company I, was a 36 year old miner from Allentown who had been ‘disgracefully discharged’ by order of the War Department. Pvt. Robinson was marched out with martial music playing and a guard of nine men, two men on each side and five behind him at charge bayonets. The music then struck up with ‘Robinson Crusoe’ as the procession was marched up and down in front of the regiment, and Pvt. Robinson was marched out of the yard.
Reloading then resumed. By that afternoon, when the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers commenced boarding the Oriental, they were ferried to the big steamship by smaller steamers. The officers boarded last and, per the directive of Brigadier-General Brannan, the Oriental steamed away for the Deep South at 4 p.m. They were headed for Florida which, despite its secession from the Union, remained strategically important to the Union due to the presence of Forts Taylor and Jefferson in Key West and the Dry Tortugas.
First Lieutenant William Reese and his fellow 47th Pennsylvanians arrived at Fort Taylor in Key West in February. On garrison duty, they drilled daily in military strategy, including in heavy artillery tactics. They also felled trees, built new roads, and bolstered the fortifications of the federal installation. During the weekend of Friday, 14 February 1862, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers introduced their presence to Key West residents as the regiment paraded through the streets of the city. That Sunday, a number of the men mingled with area residents while attending local church services.
Unfortunately, the bodies of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were ill prepared for the tropical diseases so common to the new climate in which they found themselves. Disease became an ever-present foe as they battled typhoid and yellow fever while also contending with dysentery and related complications spawned by the poor quality of water available to them. The often unsanitary conditions of close camp living also did not help matters. Many of the 47th Pennsylvanians were hospitalized; a fair number died.
But there were lighter moments as well. According to a letter penned by Henry Wharton on 27 February 1862, the regiment commemorated the birthday of former U.S. President George Washington with a parade, a special ceremony involving the reading of Washington’s farewell address to the nation (first delivered in 1796), the firing of cannon at the fort, and a sack race and other games on 22 February. The festivities resumed two days later when the 47th Pennsylvania’s Regimental Band hosted an officers’ ball at which “all parties enjoyed themselves, for three o’clock of the morning sounded on their ears before any motion was made to move homewards.” This was then followed by a concert by the Regimental Band on Wednesday evening, 26 February.
Next ordered to Hilton Head, South Carolina from mid-June through July, the 47th Pennsylvanians camped near Fort Walker before relocating to the Beaufort District, Department of the South, roughly 35 miles away. Frequently assigned to hazardous picket detail north of their main camp, which put them at increased risk from enemy sniper fire, the members of the 47th Pennsylvania became known for their “attention to duty, discipline and soldierly bearing,” and “received the highest commendation from Generals Hunter and Brannan,” according to historian Samuel P. Bates.
Detachments from the regiment were also assigned to the Expedition to Fenwick Island (9 July) and the Demonstration against Pocotaligo (10 July) while men from Companies B and H “crossed the Coosaw River at the Port Royal Ferry and drove off the Rebel pickets before returning ‘home’ without a loss,” according to Schmidt. The actions were the Union’s response to the burning by Confederate troops of the ferry house at Port Royal.
As the one year anniversary of the 47th Pennsylvania’s departure from the Great Keystone State dawned, thoughts turned to home and Divine Providence as Colonel Tilghman Good issued Special Order No. 60 from the 47th’s Regimental Headquarters in Beaufort, South Carolina:
The Colonel commanding takes great pleasure in complimenting the officers and men of the regiment on the favorable auspices of today.
Just one year ago today, the organization of the regiment was completed to enter into the service of our beloved country, to uphold the same flag under which our forefathers fought, bled, and died, and perpetuate the same free institutions which they handed down to us unimpaired.
It is becoming therefore for us to rejoice on this first anniversary of our regimental history and to show forth devout gratitude to God for this special guardianship over us.
Whilst many other regiments who swelled the ranks of the Union Army even at a later date than the 47th have since been greatly reduced by sickness or almost cut to pieces on the field of battle, we as yet have an entire regiment and have lost but comparatively few out of our ranks.
Certain it is we have never evaded or shrunk from duty or danger, on the contrary, we have been ever anxious and ready to occupy any fort, or assume any position assigned to us in the great battle for the constitution and the Union.
We have braved the danger of land and sea, climate and disease, for our glorious cause, and it is with no ordinary degree of pleasure that the Colonel compliments the officers of the regiment for the faithfulness at their respective posts of duty and their uniform and gentlemanly manner towards one another.
Whilst in numerous other regiments there has been more or less jammings and quarrelling [sic] among the officers who thus have brought reproach upon themselves and their regiments, we have had none of this, and everything has moved along smoothly and harmoniously. We also compliment the men in the ranks for their soldierly bearing, efficiency in drill, and tidy and cleanly appearance, and if at any time it has seemed to be harsh and rigid in discipline, let the men ponder for a moment and they will see for themselves that it has been for their own good.
To the enforcement of law and order and discipline it is due our far fame as a regiment and the reputation we have won throughout the land.
With you he has shared the same trials and encountered the same dangers. We have mutually suffered from the same cold in Virginia and burned by the same southern sun in Florida and South Carolina, and he assures the officers and men of the regiment that as long as the present war continues, and the service of the regiment is required, so long he stands by them through storm and sunshine, sharing the same danger and awaiting the same glory.
On 30 September 1862, C Company and the 47th Pennsylvania were sent back to Florida where they participated with other Union forces in the assault on and capture of Saint John’s Bluff from 1 to 3 October. Under the command of Brigadier-General Brannan, the 1,500-plus Union force left their gunboat-escorted troop carriers at Mayport Mills and Mount Pleasant Creek. With the 47th Pennsylvania on point and braving alligators, snakes and Rebel troops, the men pushed through 25 dense miles of forests and swampland in order to capture the bluff and pave the way for the Union’s occupation of Jacksonville, Florida, which was effected by a Union force personally commanded by Brigadier-General Brannan aboard the Paul Jones. That force, which departed from the bluff on Sunday, 5 October, was composed of two companies from each of the regiments Brannan had brought with him to Florida, and included the men from the 47th Pennsylvania’s Companies C and H.
In addition, two companies from the 47th Pennsylvania (E and K) also participated in the capture of the Gov. Milton, a Confederate steamer which had equipped the bluff and surrounding Rebel troop placements with men and supplies.
In his report on the matter, filed from Mount Pleasant Landing, Florida on 2 October 1862, Colonel Tilghman H. Good described the Union Army’s assault on Saint John’s Bluff:
In accordance with orders received I landed my regiment on the bank of Buckhorn Creek at 7 o’clock yesterday morning. After landing I moved forward in the direction of Parkers plantation, about 1 mile, being then within about 14 miles of said plantation. Here I halted to await the arrival of the Seventh Connecticut Regiment. I advanced two companies of skirmishers toward the house, with instructions to halt in case of meeting any of the enemy and report the fact to me. After they had advanced about three-quarters of a mile they halted and reported some of the enemy ahead. I immediately went forward to the line and saw some 5 or 6 mounted men about 700 or 800 yards ahead. I then ascended a tree, so that I might have a distinct view of the house and from this elevated position I distinctly saw one company of infantry close by the house, which I supposed to number about 30 or 40 men, and also some 60 or 70 mounted men. After waiting for the arrival of the Seventh Connecticut Volunteers until 10 o’clock, and it not appearing, I dispatched a squad of men back to the landing for a 6-pounder field howitzer which had been kindly offered to my service by Lieutenant Boutelle, of the Paul Jones. This howitzer had been stationed on a flat-boat to protect our landing. The party, however, did not arrive with the piece until 12 o’clock, in consequence of the difficulty of dragging it through the swamp. Being anxious to have as little delay as possible, I did not await the arrival of the howitzer, but at 11 a.m. moved forward, and as I advanced the enemy fled.
After reaching the house I awaited the arrival of the Seventh Connecticut and the howitzer. After they arrived I moved forward to the head of Mount Pleasant Creek to a bridge, at which place I arrived at 2 p.m. Here I found the bridge destroyed, but which I had repaired in a short time. I then crossed it and moved down on the south bank toward Mount Pleasant Landing. After moving about 1 mile down the bank of the creek my skirmishing companies came upon a camp, which evidently had been very hastily evacuated, from the fact that the occupants had left a table standing with a sumptuous meal already prepared for eating. On the center of the table was placed a fine, large meat pie still warm, from which one of the party had already served his plate. The skirmishers also saw 3 mounted men leave the place in hot haste. I also found a small quantity of commissary and quartermasters stores, with 23 tents, which, for want of transportation, I was obliged to destroy. After moving about a mile farther on I came across another camp, which also indicated the same sudden evacuation. In it I found the following articles … breech-loading carbines, 12 double-barreled shot-guns, 8 breech-loading Maynard rifles, 11 Enfield rifles, and 96 knapsacks. These articles I brought along by having the men carry them. There were, besides, a small quantity of commissary and quartermasters stores, including 16 tents, which, for the same reason as stated, I ordered to be destroyed. I then pushed forward to the landing, where I arrived at 7 p.m.
We drove the enemys [sic] skirmishers in small parties along the entire march. The march was a difficult one, in consequence of meeting so many swamps almost knee-deep.
On 3 October, Good filed his report from Saint John’s Bluff, Florida, now in Union hands:
At 9 o’clock last night Lieutenant Cannon reported to me that his command, consisting of one section of the First Connecticut Battery, was then coming up the creek on flat-boats with a view of landing. At 4 o’clock this morning a safe landing was effected and the command was ready to move. The order to move to Saint John’s Bluff reached me at 4 p.m. yesterday. In accordance with it I put the column in motion immediately and moved cautiously up the bank of the Saint John’s River, the skirmishing companies occasionally seeing small parties of the enemy’s cavalry retiring in our front as we advanced. When about 2 miles from the bluff the left wing of the skirmishing line came upon another camp of the enemy, which, however, in consequence of the lateness of the hour, I did not take time to examine, it being then already dark.
After my arrival at the bluff, it then being 7:30 o’clock, I dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander with two companies back to the last-named camp (which I found, from a number of papers left behind, to have been called Camp Hopkins and occupied by the Milton Artillery, of Florida) to reconnoiter and ascertain its condition. Upon his return he reported that from every appearance the skedaddling of the enemy was as sudden as in the other instances already mentioned, leaving their trunks and all the camp equipage behind; also a small store of commissary supplies, sugar, rice, half barrel of flour, one bag of salt, &c., including 60 tents which I have brought in this morning. The commissary stores were used by the troops of my command.
In his own post-engagement reports, Brigadier-General Brannan described the Union Army’s capture of Jacksonville, Florida as follows:
Jacksonville I found to be nearly deserted, there being but a small portion of its inhabitants left, chiefly old men, women, and children…. Before reaching the city you see the ruins of a large number of steam saw mills, they were burned before our people reached there last season. The work was done by the Rebels to keep them from our possession. I believe they are owned mostly by northern capital. Grass and weeds grow rank and tall in the principal streets. Houses with blinds closed…. Stores with shelves but no goods. Churches deserted and gloomy…. On our first arrival some Rebel cavalry were hovering around the town, but they immediately retired on my establishing a picket line….
Three companies were thrown out as pickets, the negro guide directing. We went about a mile from the wharf, two companies on the left and one on the right…. We had hardly got stationed and were just about to send the negro and a party of men for his family three miles further on when the pickets gave the alarm that the Rebel cavalry was coming. The reserve was very speedily in line to receive them. We were on the railroad, but the cavalry came down the plank road. The outpost men fired and fell back on the reserve.
Approaching from the left, the Confederate cavalry was initially repulsed by troops from Pennsylvania, but then regouped and made second and third charges at the Union’s center and rear—attacks that were also repulsed by Brannan’s men, enabling the Union troops to advance into Jacksonville, which they occupied until 11 p.m. when they returned to the wharf and set up camp. The next morning, Union troops then went back into Jacksonville where, sadly, a number of them engaged in looting local stores—until Brigadier-General Brannan put a stop to their plunder. In a subsequent report, Brannan noted that he brought “several refugees and about 276 contrabands, including men, women, and children” back with him as he returned to his main force at the bluff.
While those adventures were unfolding, Colonel Tilghman Good, who had been placed in command of the remaining troops at the bluff, was directing the removal of all of the Confederate cannon from the area—a process that took several days. On 10 October, the Union troops then set explosive charges and destroyed the fort, which was known as Fort Finnegan.
Shortly thereafter, the combined Union force made its way back to Hilton Head, South Carolina in a staged departure, and the 47th Pennsylvanians then moved from Hilton Head back to Beaufort.
Integration of the Regiment
Meanwhile, as the majority of 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged in the Expedition to Saint John’s Bluff, those who remained behind in Beaufort, South Carolina were helping their regiment to make history. On 5 and 15 October 1862, respectively, the 47th Pennsylvania became an integrated regiment by adding to its muster rolls several young to middle-aged Black men who had endured plantation enslavement in and around Beaufort and Hilton Head. Among the men freed who subsequently opted to enroll as members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were Abraham and Edward Jassum (aged 16 and 22, respectively), and Bristor Gethers (aged 33), whose name was spelled as “Presto Gettes” on transcriptions of muster rolls made by historian Samuel P. Bates. More men of color would continue to be added to the 47th Pennsylvania’s rosters in the weeks and years to come.
Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina
From 21-23 October 1862, under the brigade and regimental commands of Colonel Tilghman H. Good and Lieutenant-Colonel George W. Alexander, First Lieutenant William Reese and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged Confederate forces in and around Pocotaligo, South Carolina. Landing at Mackay’s Point, the men of the 47th were placed on point once again, but they and the 3rd Brigade were less fortunate this time.
Harried by snipers en route to the Pocotaligo Bridge, they met resistance from an entrenched, heavily fortified Confederate battery which opened fire on the Union troops as they entered an open cotton field.
Those headed toward higher ground at the Frampton Plantation fared no better as they encountered artillery and infantry fire from the surrounding forests.
The Union soldiers grappled with the Confederates where they found them, pursuing the Rebels for four miles as they retreated to the bridge. There, the 47th relieved the 7th Connecticut. But the enemy was just too well armed. After two hours of intense fighting in an attempt to take the ravine and bridge, depleted ammunition forced the 47th to withdraw to Mackay’s Point.
Losses for the 47th were significant. Two officers and 18 enlisted men died. Another two officers and 114 enlisted from the 47th were wounded, a number of whom were so seriously injured that they were discharged on Surgeons’ Certificates of Disability when deemed well enough to be sent home.
On 23 October, the 47th Pennsylvania returned to Hilton Head where, roughly a week later, members of the regiment would serve as the funeral Honor Guard for Major-General Ormsby McKnight Mitchel, the commander of the U.S. Army’s 10th Corps and Department of the South who would succumb to yellow fever on 30 October. The Mountains of Mitchel, a part of Mars’ South Pole discovered by Mitchel in 1846 while working as a University of Cincinnati astronomer, and Mitchelville, the first Freedmen’s town created after the Civil War, were both later named for him. Men from the 47th Pennsylvania were given the high honor of firing the salute over his grave.
In his report on the engagement, made from headquarters at Beaufort, South Carolina on 24 October 1862, Colonel Good wrote:
SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report of the part taken by the Forty-seventh Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers in the action of October 22:
Eight companies, comprising 480 men, embarked on the steamship Ben De Ford, and two companies, of 120 men, on the Marblehead, at 2 p.m. October 21. With this force I arrived at Mackays Landing before daylight the following morning. At daylight I was ordered to disembark my regiment and move forward across the first causeway and take a position, and there await the arrival of the other forces. The two companies of my regiment on board of the Marblehead had not yet arrived, consequently I had but eight companies of my regiment with me at this juncture.
At 12 m. I was ordered to take the advance with four companies, one of the Forty-seventh and one of the Fifty-fifth Pennsylvania Volunteers, and two of the Sixth Connecticut, and to deploy two of them as skirmishers and move forward. After moving forward about 2 miles I discerned some 30 or 40 of the enemys [sic] cavalry ahead, but they fled as we advanced. About 2 miles farther on I discovered two pieces of artillery and some cavalry, occupying a position about three-quarters of a mile ahead in the road. I immediately called for a regiment, but seeing that the position was not a strong one I made a charge with the skirmishing line. The enemy, after firing a few rounds of shell, fled. I followed up as rapidly as possible to within about 1 mile of Frampton Creek. In front of this stream is a strip of woods about 500 yards wide, and in front of the woods a marsh of about 200 yards, with a small stream running through it parallel with the woods. A causeway also extends across the swamp, to the right of which the swamp is impassable. Here the enemy opened a terrible fire of shell from the rear, of the woods. I again called for a regiment, and my regiment came forward very promptly. I immediately deployed in line of battle and charged forward to the woods, three companies on the right and the other five on the left of the road. I moved forward in quick-time, and when within about 500 yards of the woods the enemy opened a galling fire of infantry from it. I ordered double-quick and raised a cheer, and with a grand yell the officers and men moved forward in splendid order and glorious determination, driving the enemy from this position.
On reaching the woods I halted and reorganized my line. The three companies on the right of the road (in consequence of not being able to get through the marsh) did not reach the woods, and were moved by Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander by the flank on the causeway. During this time a terrible fire of grape and canister was opened by the enemy through the woods, hence I did not wait for the three companies, but immediately charged with the five at hand directly through the woods; but in consequence of the denseness of the woods, which was a perfect matting of vines and brush, it was almost impossible to get through, but by dint of untiring assiduity the men worked their way through nobly. At this point I was called out of the woods by Lieutenant Bacon, aide-de-camp, who gave the order, ‘The general wants you to charge through the woods.’ I replied that I was then charging, and that the men were working their way through as fast as possible. Just then I saw the two companies of my regiment which embarked on the Marblehead coming up to one of the companies that was unable to get through the swamp on the right. I went out to meet them, hastening them forward, with a view of re-enforcing the five already engaged on the left of the road in the woods; but the latter having worked their way successfully through and driven the enemy from his position, I moved the two companies up the road through the woods until I came up with the advance. The two companies on the right side of the road, under Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander had also worked their way up through the woods and opened fire on the retreating enemy. At this point I halted and reorganized my regiment, by forming close column by companies. I then detailed Lieutenant Minnich, of Company B, and Lieutenant Breneman, of Company H, with a squad of men, to collect the killed and wounded. They promptly and faithfully attended to this important duty, deserving much praise for the efficiency and coolness they displayed during the fight and in the discharge of this humane and worthy trust.
The casualties in this engagement were 96. Captain Junker of Company K; Captain Mickley, of Company I [sic], and Lieutenant Geety, of Company H, fell mortally wounded while gallantly leading their respective companies on.
I cannot speak too highly of the conduct of both officers and men. They all performed deeds of valor, and rushed forward to duty and danger with a spirit and energy worthy of veterans.
The rear forces coming up passed my regiment and pursued the enemy. When I had my regiment again placed in order, and hearing the boom of cannon, I immediately followed up, and, upon reaching the scene of action, I was ordered to deploy my regiment on the right side of the wood, move forward along the edge of it, and relieve the Seventh Connecticut Regiment. This I promptly obeyed. The position here occupied by the enemy was on the opposite side of the Pocotaligo Creek, with a marsh on either side of it, and about 800 yards distant from the opposite wood, where the enemy had thrown up rifle pits all along its edge.
On my arrival the enemy had ceased firing; but after the lapse of a few minutes they commenced to cheer and hurrah for the Twenty-sixth South Carolina. We distinctly saw this regiment come up in double-quick and the men rapidly jumping into the pits. We immediately opened fire upon them with terrible effect, and saw their men thinning by scores. In return they opened a galling fire upon us. I ordered the men under cover and to keep up the fire. During this time our forces commenced to retire. I kept my position until all our forces were on the march, and then gave one volley and retired by flank in the road at double-quick about 1,000 yards in the rear of the Seventh Connecticut. This regiment was formed about 1,000 yards in the rear of my former position. We jointly formed the rear guard of our forces and alternately retired in the above manner.
My casualties here amounted to 15 men.
We arrived at Frampton (our first battle ground) at 8 p.m. Here my regiment was relieved from further rear-guard duty by the Fourth New Hampshire Regiment. This gave me the desired opportunity to carry my dead and wounded from the field and convey them back to the landing. I arrived at the above place at 3 o’clock the following morning.
In a second report made from Beaufort on 25 October 1862, Colonel Good added the following details:
SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report of the part taken by the First Brigade in the battles of October 22:
After meeting the enemy in his first position he was driven back by the skirmishing line, consisting of two companies of the Sixth Connecticut, one of the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania, and one of the Fifty-fifth Pennsylvania, under my command. Here the enemy only fired a few rounds of shot and shell. He then retreated and assumed another position, and immediately opened fire. Colonel Chatfield, then in command of the brigade, ordered the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania forward to me, with orders to charge. I immediately charged and drove the enemy from the second position. The Sixth Connecticut was deployed in my rear and left; the Fifty-fifth Pennsylvania on my right, and the Fourth New Hampshire in the rear of the Fifty-fifth, both in close column by divisions, all under a heavy fire of shell and canister. These regiments then crossed the causeway by the flank and moved close up to the woods. Here they were halted, with orders to support the artillery. After the enemy had ceased firing the Fourth New Hampshire was ordered to move up the road in the rear of the artillery and two companies of the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania to follow this regiment. The Sixth Connecticut followed up, and the Fifty-fifth moved up through the woods. At this juncture Colonel Chatfield fell, seriously wounded, and Lieutenant-Colonel Speidel was also wounded.
The casualties in the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania amounted to 96 men. As yet I am unable to learn the loss of the entire brigade.
The enemy having fled, the Fourth New Hampshire and the Fifty-fifth Pennsylvania followed in close pursuit. During this time the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania and the Sixth Connecticut halted and again organized, after which they followed. On coming up to the engagement I assumed command of the brigade, and found the forces arranged in the following order: The Fourth New Hampshire was deployed as skirmishers along the entire front, and the Fifty-fifth deployed in line of battle on the left side of the road, immediately in the rear of the Fourth New Hampshire. I then ordered the Sixth Connecticut to deploy in the rear of the Fifty-fifth Pennsylvania and the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania to deploy on the right side of the road in line of battle and relieve the Seventh Connecticut. I then ordered the Fourth New Hampshire, which had spent all its ammunition, back under cover on the road in the woods. The enemy meantime kept up a terrific fire of grape and musketry, to which we replied with terrible effect. At this point the orders were given to retire, and the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania and Seventh Connecticut formed the rear guard. I then ordered the Thirty-seventh Pennsylvania to keep its position and the Sixth Connecticut to march by the flank into the road and to the rear, the Fourth New Hampshire and Fifty-fifth Pennsylvania to follow. The troops of the Second Brigade were meanwhile retiring. After the whole column was in motion and a line of battle established by the Seventh Connecticut about 1,000 yards in the rear of the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania I ordered the Forty-seventh to retire by the flank and establish a line of battle 1,000 yards in the rear of the Seventh Connecticut; after which the Seventh Connecticut moved by the flank to the rear and established a line of battle 1,000 yards in the rear of the Forty seventh, and thus retiring, alternately establishing lines, until we reached Frampton Creek, where we were relieved from this duty by the Fourth New Hampshire. We arrived at the landing at 3 o’clock on the morning of the 23d instant.
The casualties of the Sixth Connecticut are 34 in killed and wounded and the Forty-seventh Pennsylvania 112 in killed and wounded. As to the remaining regiments I have as yet received no report.
Having been ordered back to Key West on 15 November 1862, the soldiers of the 47th Pennsylvania spent most of 1863 garrisoning federal installations in Florida as part of the U.S. Army’s 10th Corps, Department of the South. Captain Gobin and his C Company men joined with Companies A, B, E, G, and I in duties at Key West’s Fort Taylor while the soldiers from Companies D, F, H, and K garrisoned Fort Jefferson, the Union’s remote outpost in the Dry Tortugas off the coast of Florida.
In a letter to the Sunbury American on 23 August 1863, Henry Wharton described Thanksgiving celebrations held by the regiment and residents of Key West and a yacht race the following Saturday at which participants had “an opportunity of tripping the ‘light, fantastic toe,’ to the fine music of the 47th Band, led by that excellent musician, Prof. Bush.”
It was a noteworthy year both for the number of men lost to disease rather than combat—and because the majority of the soldiers from the 47th Pennsylvania chose to re-enlist when their original three-year terms of service expired in order to preserve the Union of their beloved country.
In early January 1864, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was ordered to expand the Union’s reach by sending part of the regiment north to retake possession of Fort Myers, a federal installation that had been abandoned in 1858 following the U.S. government’s third war with the Seminole Indians. Per orders issued earlier in 1864 by Brigadier-General D. P. Woodbury, Commanding Officer, U.S. Department of the Gulf, District of Key West and the Tortugas, that the fort be used to facilitate the Union’s Gulf Coast blockade, Captain Richard Graeffe and a group of men from Company A were charged with expanding the fort and conducting raids on area cattle herds to provide food for the growing Union troop presence across Florida. Graeffe and his men subsequently turned the fort into both their base of operations and a shelter for pro-Union supporters, escaped slaves, Confederate Army deserters, and others fleeing Rebel troops. According to Schmidt:
Capt. Richard A. Graeffe, accompanied by Assistant Surgeon William F. Reiber, commanded the main portion of Company A which boarded ship on Monday, January 4 and sailed the following day, Tuesday, for Fort Myers, on the Caloosahatchee River fifteen air miles southeast of Charlotte Harbor. The company was transported on board the Army quartermaster schooner Matchless, after having embarked the day before, and was accompanied by the steamer U.S.S. Honduras commanded by Lt. Harris, and with Gen. Woodbury aboard. Lt. Harris was directed to tow the Matchless if necessary….
A draft Environmental Impact Statement prepared in 2010 for the Everglades National Park partially documents the time of Richard Graeffe and the men under his Florida command this way:
Over a short period, increasing reinforcements of the fort led to increasing cattle raids throughout the region. A Union force so far into Confederate land did not go well with Confederate loyalists. The fact that so many men stationed at the post were black soldiers from the newly created U.S. Colored Troops was particularly aggravating. The raids were so antagonizing that the Confederates created a Cattle Guard Battalion called the “Cow Cavalry” to repulse Union raiders.
Meanwhile, First Lieutenant William Reese and the officers of all of the other companies of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry had begun preparing for the regiment’s history-making journey to Louisiana. Boarding yet another steamer—the Charles Thomas—on 25 February 1864, the men from Companies B, C, D, I, and K of the 47th Pennsylvania headed for Algiers, Louisiana (which was situated across the river from New Orleans and is now a neighborhood in New Orleans), followed on 1 March by other members of the regiment from Companies E, F, G, and H who had been stationed at Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas. Upon the second group’s arrival, the now almost fully reunited regiment moved by train on 28 February to Brashear City (now Morgan City, Louisiana) before heading to Franklin by steamer through the Bayou Teche. There, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry joined the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division of the Department of the Gulf’s 19th Army Corps, and became the only Pennsylvania regiment to serve in the Red River Campaign of Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks. (Unable to reach Louisiana until 23 March, the men from Company A were effectively placed on a different type of detached duty in New Orleans while they awaited transport to enable them to catch up with the main part of their regiment. Charged with guarding and overseeing the transport of 245 Confederate prisoners, they were finally able to board the Ohio Belle on 7 April, and reached Alexandria with those prisoners on 9 April.)
Red River Campaign
The early days on the ground in Louisiana quickly woke the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers up to just how grueling this new phase of duty would be.
From 14-26 March, most members of the regiment marched for Alexandria and Natchitoches, Louisiana, by way of New Iberia, Vermilionville (now part of Lafayette), Opelousas, and Washington.
From 4-5 April 1864, the regiment added to its roster of young Black soldiers when Aaron Bullard (later known as Aaron French), James and John Bullard, Samuel Jones, and Hamilton Blanchard (also known as John Hamilton) enrolled for military service with the 47th Pennsylvania at Natchitoches. According to their respective entries in the Civil War Veterans’ Card File at the Pennsylvania State Archives and on regimental muster rolls, the men were then officially mustered in for duty on 22 June at Morganza. Several of their entries noted that they were assigned the rank of “(Colored) Cook” while others were given the rank of “Under Cook.”
Often short on food and water throughout their long harsh-climate trek through enemy territory, the men encamped briefly at Pleasant Hill the night of 7 April before continuing on the next day, marching until mid-afternoon.
On 8 April, First Lieutenant William Reese and his fellow 47th Pennsylvanians engaged in the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads (also known as the Battle of Mansfield because of its proximity to the community of Mansfield). Rushed into battle ahead of other regiments in the 2nd Division, the 47th engaged in a back-and-forth volley of fire with Confederate troops, piling up 60 casualties in the process. The fighting waned only when darkness fell. Exhausted, the uninjured collapsed beside the gravely wounded. After midnight, the surviving Union troops withdrew to the community of Pleasant Hill (now the Village of Pleasant Hill).
The next day, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were on the move again and, once again, they encountered Confederate troops. Ordered into a critically important defensive position at the far right of the Union lines, their right flank was spread out and up onto a high bluff. By 3 p.m., after enduring a midday charge by the troops of Confederate General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner who was the son of Zachary Taylor, former President of the United States), the brutal fighting still showed no signs of ending. Suddenly, just as the 47th was shifting to the left side of the massed Union forces, the men of the 47th Pennsylvania were forced to bolster the 165th New York’s buckling lines by blocking another Confederate assault.
During this engagement (known today as the Battle of Pleasant Hill), the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers recaptured a Massachusetts artillery battery that had been lost during the earlier Confederate assault. While mounting the colors of the 47th Pennsylvania on one of the recaptured caissons, Color-Sergeant Benjamin Walls was shot in the left shoulder. As Walls fell, Sergeant William Pyers was the also shot while preventing the colors from falling into enemy hands. Both men survived their wounds and continued to fight on—Walls until he was honorably discharged upon expiration of his term of service on 18 September 1864.
Others from the 47th were also killed or wounded, including Private John C. Sterner (killed), and Privates Cornelius Kramer, George Miller, and Thomas Nipple (wounded). In addition, the regiment nearly lost its second-in-command, Lieutenant-Colonel G. W. Alexander.
Still others were captured, marched roughly 125 miles to Camp Ford, Tyler, Texas, the largest Confederate prison camp west of the Mississippi River, and held there as prisoners of war by Confederate forces until released during prisoner exchanges in July, August, September, or November. At least two members of the 47th never made it out alive while still others remain missing to this day.
Their battle wounds not yet even healed, the 47th Pennsylvanians received a collective shock when the 47th’s Major William S. Gausler was discharged on 11 April 1864, allegedly for cowardice. Four days later, on 15 April, First Lieutenant William Reese was also discharged for alleged cowardice, per General Order No. 36 issued by Headquarters of the 19th U.S. Army Corps. The damning charges for both men were then reaffirmed on 6 May 1864, and were approved via the U.S. War Department’s Special Order No. 169, Paragraph 39.
The 11 May 1864 Evening Star in Washington, D.C. then announced that Gausler and Reese had been dismissed from military service with First Lieutenant W. H. R. Hangen “for cowardice in the actions of Sabine Cross Roads and Pleasant Hill on the 8th and 9th of April, and for having tendered their resignations while under such charges” (AGO Special Order No. 169, 6 May 1864).
The allegations against the 47th Pennsylvania’s officers would continue to trouble the hearts and minds of Colonel Good and his men for months as the situation went unresolved—despite official protests that were lodged by Good and others who condemned the allegations of cowardice against Gausler, Hangen and Reese as grossly inaccurate and unfair. The stain was finally removed from the regiment when President Abraham Lincoln stepped in.
According to The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, President Lincoln personally wrote to U.S. Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton, directing that the case files be sent to him for his personal review:
Please send the papers of Major Gansler [sic], by the bearer, Mr. Longnecker. A. LINCOLN
An annotation to Lincoln’s collected works explains that “Mr. Longnecker was probably Henry C. Longnecker of Allentown, Pennsylvania,” and makes clear that, although Major W. H. Gausler had indeed been dismissed for cowardice, President Lincoln disagreed with the decision, and overturned it on 17 October 1864. The notation further explains, “Although the name appears as ‘Gansler’ in Special Orders, it is ‘Gausler’ on the roster of the regiment.”
In response to President Lincoln’s compassionate intervention, the U.S. Office of the Adjutant General issued Special Order (No. 350):
By direction of the President, so much of Special Orders, No. 169 . . . as relates to Major W. H. Gansler [sic], 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, is hereby revoked, and he is honorably discharged, on tender of resignation.
William Reese was also finally cleared of the charges against him—although he was forced to wait nearly a year to have his honor restored. Per Special Order No. 81, which was issued by the U.S. Office of the Adjutant General and War Department, First Lieutenant William Reese’s order of dismissal was revoked on 18 February 1865. This order was then confirmed in the regiment’s muster rolls:
Return to Civilian Life
Sometime following his return to Pennsylvania, William Reese and his wife, Mary, began rebuilding their lives while growing a loyal following of patrons for the Reese House in Sunbury, Northumberland County, Pennsylvania. One of their accomplishments, according to the 3 June 1871 edition of the Sunbury American, was their improvement of their establishment’s exterior:
AWNINGS. – Third street has put on quite a gay appearance with variagated [sic] awnings. Lieut. Reese has spread a very neat one in front of the Reese House, near the Depot, which gives that institution a very pleasant aspect, inviting customers to enter into his handsome Restaurant for a hot meal, or step into the handsomely furnished saloon and procure a saucer of the refreshing ice cream which is constantly kept on hand. Mr. David Fry’s handsome confectionery store room, next door to the Post Office, has also been treated to a handsome awning which adds greatly to his splendid establishment.
The 1 July 1871 edition of the Sunbury American then reported their resulting success:
THE ‘Reese House,’ at the depot, this place, has become a great resort to refresh the inner man. Mine host and hostess appear to understand how to cater for all that calls, as every one [sic] appears satisfied it is the place to procure the best refreshments. Turtle soup, clam soup, fish, and all kind of game in season, are served up at all hours. Hot meals only 40 cents. Ice cream every evening. Ladies room upstairs. Entrance on Third street.
The next week, on 8 July 1871, the Sunbury American described an exciting series of events:
BALLOON ASCENSION. – Lieut. Reese, proprietor of the Reese House, this place, during the past week had several paper balloon ascensions come off on Market street in the evenings. These balloons are procured from New York, and created quite a sensation among those who witnessed the ascension. A mammoth balloon, measuring some fifteen feet, will be sent up on this (Saturday,) evening, at 7½ o’clock.
Just over a month later, William Reese hosted a Northumberland County Bar Association reception for 50 lawyers, Court officers, County officials, members of the press and other leading citizens. A special cane was presented to Deputy Prothonotary Samuel K. Knowles, Esq., “whose uniform kindness, courtesy and valuable services have been highly appreciated by the legal fraternity of the county,” said William M. Rockefeller, Esq. Knowles was further praised for “the neat and accurate manner in which the dockets and records of the Court are now kept, and the correctness of all the entries made by the gentleman who now modestly stands before us as the recipient of the merited compliment, and how important it is to the community to have a competent person, who is well skilled in his business, to take charge of and keep the public records.”
Knowles then thanked the assembled guests for the “beautiful emblem of [their] generosity” and made a brief speech before the crowd adjourned to the reception, described by the newspaper as follows:
After the ceremony of presentation, an invitation was extended to the company to repair to the dining room where Captain Reese, the host, had prepared for another ceremony of a different nature. Here, before the company, stood tables bountifully ladened [sic] with all the luxuries of the season which the company disposed of in a manner which showed their high appreciation of mine host’s efforts. The popping of corks of Champagne bottles sounded like a miniature bombardment. A number of toasts were drank [sic] to His Honor Judge Jordan, Mr. Knowles, and several members of the Bar, which were happily responded to. The balance of the evening was then devoted to making complimentary speeches by Messrs. Snyder, Sober, Ryan, Kase, Oram, Davis and others. At an early hour the company dispersed, highly pleased with the entertainment extended to them by Mr. Knowles – and all felt that they had paid a merited tribute to a worthy and efficient officer. The whole entertainment was one highly creditable to Mr. Knowles, as well as mine host of the Reese House.
But change was in the air. The Saturday, 6 January 1872 edition of the Sunbury American reported the departure from Reese House by the Reese family in order to assume management roles at Shamokin’s Douty House:
A FINE ENTERTAINMENT. – Previous to Lieut. Reese and family leaving the Reese House in this place to take charge of the Douty House at Shamokin, Mrs. Reese and her son Andrew gave a fine entertainment in the way of a grand oyster supper to some of their most intimate friends, on Wednesday evening last. The table, as usual, abounded with all the luxuries of the season. Oysters were served in every style, while sparkling Champagne flowed freely around the festive board. After ample justice had been done to the great profusion of good things, a number of toasts were drunk to the prosperity and good fortune of mine host and hostess. At an early hour the party separated, highly pleased with the liberality of the proprietors of the Reese House, and regretting their leaving this place. The many friends of Mr. and Mrs. Reese will, no doubt, be happy to learn that they can hereafter be found at the Douty House, Shamokin, where it is hoped they will be as successful in catering for their guests; and that their worth will be as highly appreciated there as it has been in this place, is the wish of all their friends.
Master Andrew Reese will be the acting clerk at the Douty House, and will receive strangers in his usual and polite way.
The Reese House will hereafter be conducted by Mr. Fessler, of Pinegrove, who comes highly recommended. Mr. Michael Weaver, the polite and accommodating bar tender, who is well known to have but few equals in making up palatable drinks for the thirsty, will continue in his position at the bar of the Reese House.
Just over a month later, the 17 February 1872 edition of the Sunbury American confirmed that William Reese had applied for an “old stand” tavern license in the Borough of Shamokin, Northumberland County. The newspaper then reported on 2 March 1872 that William Reese had made improvements to the interior of Douty House:
THE DOUTY HOUSE AT SHAMOKIN. – We notice that this hotel has lately been refurnished with new furniture by the present proprietor Lieut. Wm. Reese. The house has undergone an entire change, and is one of the best furnished houses in that part of the State. Mr. Reese is an experienced landlord, and knows the wants of his guests. Those stopping at the Douty House will find it one of the ablest conducted establishments in the coal region.
Sometime around this same period, William Reese’s son married Mary E. Jones (1856-1905).
Sadly, though, William Reese’s business success would soon prove to be short lived. During the morning of 15 April 1872, a fire swept through Douty House. That same day, The Daily Post of Pittsburgh described what happened:
A special from Shamokin, Pa., Says that this morning a fire broke out in the Douty House in this borough, and quickly communicated to nine other houses adjoining The Douty House with all the other buildings were entirely consumed. The loss is estimated at $129,000, on which there is partial insurance. Thirteen families have been rendered homeless by the fire. Its origin is unknown.
The Sunbury American provided further details via its 20 April 1872 edition:
On last Monday morning, April 15, our borough was visited by the most destructive fire that was ever witnessed in this place. At about four and a half o’clock it was discovered that the ‘Douty House’ was on fire, and the alarm given, when hundreds of men, women, and children rushed to the scene. Having no fire engines to bring into service, the only expedient was to carry water in buckets. The fire gained so rapidly, that it was in a short time communicated to the building of Mr. Jeremiah Zimmerman, on the East side of Rock street, and when once started there, it was completely unmanageable. Water was freely used, and small buildings pulled down, but all of no avail. The fire raged furiously. The whole square, bounded by Sunbury street on the South, Dewart street on the North, Rock street on the East, as consumed, with the exception of the brick buildings of Mr. Wm. R. Kutzner, and a frame ware-house standing in the rear. On the north of thi square, it crossed Dewart street, and consumed two dwellings belonging to Messrs. Samuel Smink & Daniel Startzel. At the Northeast it crossed Shamokin street, and consumed a new dwelling, owned by Mr. James Seibert, and occupied by Mr. John L. Hammer. The property destroyed in the above described square, was owned by Messrs. Jeremiah Zimmerman & Samuel B. Smink, consisting of dwellings, smaller buildings occupied as places of business, and all their stabling. A dwelling owned by the Messrs. Fagely, occupied by Mrs. Cleaver, and the stabling, and a ware-house owned by Mr. Wm. R. Kutzner, all of which was totally consumed. The ‘Douty House,’ together with the office an stabling, were also burned to the ground. It was with great difficulty that the residence of Messrs. John B. & Wm. H. Douty was saved, having also been on fire. The Post Office and the ‘Brown Stone Front,’ were also on fire and with great difficulty saved. The residence of Mr. Wm. Fagely too, was in great peril. The brick building of Mr. Wm. R. Kutzner, was also on fire, and almost despaired of being saved. The United States Hotel, owned and occupied by Mr. Jacob Mowry, was several times on fire. The house occupied by Lewis Hummel, too, was at one time on fire. The last two buildings named, are situated at a considerable distance from the main fire, yet by the strong current of air that was blowing, they were endangered. During the progress of the fire, the heat was so intense that it was almost impossible at times to endure it, and apply water to prevent its further spread. Too much credit cannot be given those men and women, who worked so zealously to stay the flames. And too much contempt cannot be heaped upon those who went there for the purpose of plundering and stealing. The injury done by the fire is very great, and accomplished in a very short time, not having been more than about two and a half hours from its discovery, until no other danger was apprehended. The insurance on the destroyed property is very light.
May our citizens arouse, and at once procure fire engines, and thereby prevent another such destructive conflagration.
The loss is variously estimated from fifty thousand to ninety thousand dollars. Fourteen families were thrown out o the street, homeless, and much of their goods, carried away. – From the Shamokin Advertiser Extra.
The birth of William Reese’s grandson, William Jones Reese (1873-1953), on 23 November 1873 was likely a bright moment during this dark time because it is clear from ongoing news coverage that William Reese and his family struggled to recover from Douty House fire over the next several years. The Juniata Sentinel and Republican published in its 12 August 1874 edition a notice from Sheriff W. H. Knouse that Thomas U. Parker “by his deed of 25th of January, 1869, conveyed lots numbered 75, 76 and 96 to William Reese by deed of general warranty, who paid to him the amount of purchase money in full ($250). Parker had, according to the notice, become “the owner of certain lots of ground situate the borough of Patterson, Juniata county, being lots numbered 96, 76, 75, 55, 56, 57, 58 and 59” due to Orphans’ Court proceedings following the death of Andrew Parker, Esq., and had satisfied various financial obligations regarding several of these lots with Andrew Parker’s heirs, but had failed to do so with others, including parcel No. 76. On 29 April 1874, Isaac Snyder petitioned the Orphans’ Court for resolution of the situation.
In response to the resolution by the Orphans’ Court:
William Reese for the consideration of $200, by his deed of March 15, 1869, conveyed to your petitioner lot No. 76, for which he paid the consideration in full, and on which said recognizance was a lien. – That your petitioner has been informed and expects to be able to prove that said recognizances have been fully paid to the said Mary J. Parker, now Mary J. Warner, and Annie E. Parker, and he therefore prays the Court to grant a rule on the said Mary J. Warner and Annie E. Parker to appear at the next Orphans’ Court on Monday, the 7th day of September, 1874, to show cause why said recognizance should not be satisfied, at 2 o’clock P.M.
The following year, in February 1875, William Reese signaled his plan to go into business with his son, Andrew M. Reese. According to the Sunbury American, they applied to the Northumberland County Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace for a “new stand” tavern license for William Reese & Son.
This experience, however, also proved to be a difficult one. On 2 August 1875, E. C. Gobin, Esq., reported on Northumberland County’s Court Proceedings for August 1875 via the 6 August edition of the Sunbury American, and noted that the Grand Jury had returned a “true bill” in the matter of the community versus William and Andrew M. Reese for selling liquor on a Sunday.
* Note: Issuance of such true bill decisions meant that members of the Grand Jury believed that sufficient evidence had been presented by prosecutors to show that accused citizens had committed the crimes for with which they were being charged.
The next day, the Grand Jury returned two more true bills against the William and Andrew M. Reese for selling liquor to minors and “selling liquor to persons visibly affected with intoxicating drink.”
The 13 August 1875 edition of the Sunbury American provided an update, reporting that William and Andrew M. Reese both pleaded guilty on 6 August to the earlier charge (selling liquor on Sundays), but had not yet been sentenced. They were both then convicted of “[f]urnishing intoxicating drinks to minors” on 7 August 1865, and were sentenced “to pay a fine of $25 each, and undergo an imprisonment in the county jail for the term of thirty days.” Also convicted on the charge of selling liquor on a Sunday, they were “sentenced to each pay a fine of $250, cost of prosecution, and stand committed till [sic] sentence of court are complied with.” As to the charge of “[s]elling liquor to persons visibly intoxicated,” William Reese was convicted but given a suspended sentence while Andrew M. Reese was declared not guilty.
By 1880, William and Mary Reese were documented by the federal census as residents and operators of a boarding house in Sunbury. Living with them at this time were servant 17-year-old Mary Harrison, 21-year-old carpenter A. McCollam, 21-year-old machinist Harry Reed, and 35-year-old stenographer G.S. Burrowes.
Sometime before the decade was out, William Reese had relocated to Wilkes-Barre in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania. He died there on 30 December 1889. The New Year’s Eve edition of The Evening Leader in Wilkes-Barre, reported his death with a simple one-line notice:
REESE. – In Wilkes-Barre, Dec. 30, 1889, William Reese, aged 58 years.
His remains were returned to Juniata County, where he was interred at the Union Cemetery in Mifflintown, Walker Township, on 2 January 1890.
The Harrisburg Telegraph reported on his funeral in its 3 January 1890 edition as follows:
William Reese, of Wilkes-Barre, a former prominent hotel keeper in many towns of the State, was buried yesterday at Mifflintown.
His former hometown newspaper, the Juniata Sentinel and Republican, subsequently reported the cause of his death in its 15 January edition:
REESE. – On the 30th ult., in Wilkes barre [sic], from muscular rheumatism and paralysis. Lieutenant William Reese, aged 58 years, 9 months and 4 days.
His widow, Mary, went on to live without him for slightly more than a decade, finally succumbing in Shamokin, Northumberland County on 10 November 1902. She was subsequently interred beside him at the Shamokin Cemetery.
Their son, Andrew Reese, who was employed by the National Biscuit Company at the time of Mary Reese’s death in 1902, was also laid to rest at the Shamokin Cemetery, following his death on 17 December 1914.
1. “A Fine Entertainment.” Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American, 6 January 1872.
2. “Aged Lady Dead” (death notice of Mary A. Reese). Mt. Carmel, Pennsylvania: Mt. Carmel Item, 10 November 1902.
3. “Awnings” and “A Cane Presentation.” Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American, 3 June 1871 and 12 August 1871, respectively.
4. Basler, Roy P., editor, et. al. Collected works. The Abraham Lincoln Association/Springfield, Illinois. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1953.
5. Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
6. Civil War Muster Rolls, in “Records of the Department of Military and Veterans’ Affairs” (Record Group 19, Series 19.11). Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission.
7. Death Notice of William Reese. Mifflintown, Pennsylvania: Juniata Sentinel and Republican, 15 January 1890.
8. “Died: Reese.” Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania: The Evening Leader, 31 December 1889.
9. “Douty House at Shamokin, The.” Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American, 2 March 1872.
10. “Fire—Fourteen Buildings Destroyed—Fourteen Families Thrown into the Street—Cause of Fire Unknown, The.” Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American, 20 April 1872.
11. “Fires: At Shamokin, Pa.” Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: The Daily Post, 16 April 1872.
12. “Florida’s Role in the Civil War,” in Florida Memory. Tallahassee, Florida: State Archives of Florida.
13. Funeral Notice of William Reese. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Harrisburg Telegraph, 3 January 1890.
14. Jordan, LL.D., John W., editor. A History of the Juniata Valley and Its People, vol. I. New York, New York: Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1913.
15. Pennsylvania Veterans’ Burial Index Cards. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania Department of Military and Veterans Affairs.
16. “Reese House and Balloon Ascension, The.” Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American, 1 July 1871 and 8 July 1871, respectively.
17. Reese, William, in Pennsylvania Civil War Veterans’ Card File, 1861-1866 (C-47 I). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State Archives.
18. Schmidt, Lewis. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
19. “Tamiami Trail Modifications: Next Steps,” in Draft Environmental Impact Statement. Washington, D.C. and Everglades National Park, Florida: U.S. National Park Service, 2010.
20. U.S. Census (1860, 1880). Washington and Pennsylvania: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
21. William Reese and son, in “In the Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace of Northumberland County.” Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American, 12 February 1875.
22. William Reese and Andrew M. Reese, in “Court Proceedings: Reported by E. C. Gobin, Esq.” Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American, 6 August 1875 and 13 August 1875.
23. William Reese, in “In the Orphans’ Court of Juniata County. To Annie E. Parker and Mary J. Warner, formerly Mary J. Parker.” Mifflintown, Pennsylvania: Juniata Sentinel and Republican, 12 August 1874.
24. William Reese and Mary A. Reese, in U.S. Civil War Pension Index (application no: 492104, certificate no.: 327688; filed from Pennsylvania by the veterans’ widow, Mary A. Reese, 6 December 1890). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
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