No Way to Treat a Widow: A Look at the U.S. Civil War Pension Battles Waged by Widows of Union Army Soldiers

This image of Julia (Kuenher) Minnich, circa 1860s, is being presented here through the generosity of Chris Sapp and his family, and is being used with Mr. Sapp’s permission. This image may not be reproduced, repurposed, or shared with other websites without the permission of Chris Sapp.

Prove to us you were married to that soldier.

Prove to us that the children you claim to be his were actually fathered by that soldier.

Prove to us that you stayed faithful to that soldier by remaining a widow for the remainder of your life—depriving yourself of warmth, comfort and love, even though you were in your early twenties when he widowed you.

Those heartbreaking words exemplify the bureaucratic nightmares endured by many widows of Union Army soldiers as they battled with insensitive and sometimes surprisingly judgmental officials from the United States Department of the Interior to obtain U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pensions—the American Civil War-era form of general assistance that held the potential to help them keep rooves over the heads of their children as they struggled to adjust to their new roles as single mothers.

A closer look at the Civil War Widows’ Pension files of multiple women who were widowed when their soldier-husbands died while serving with the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry between 1861 and 1865 reveals that the quests of many of these women were bewildering, exasperating, heartbreaking, and long.

A Widow, Mother and a Civil War Nurse

At the time of her husband’s death in combat, Julia Ann (Kuehner) Minnich was residing with the couple’s young son, George, at the family’s home in Allentown, Pennsylvania. Just two weeks after receiving word that her husband was dead, she was forced to put her grief aside, and move forward.

Appearing before a Lehigh County justice of the peace on November 3, 1864, Julia declared that she was the twenty-seven-year-old widow of Edwin G. Minnich, who had been the captain of Company B, 47th Pennsylvania Infantry when he was killed “whilst in the service of the United States and in the line of duty” during the Battle of Cedar Creek, Virginia on October 19, 1864.

Juliann (Kuehner) Minnich’s 1864 Affidavit for Her Initial U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension, p. 1 (U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain; click to enlarge).

Required by federal and state officials to prove that she had actually been married to Edwin Minnich—a distressing procedure that would have felt disrespectful to any grieving wife whose husband had been killed in combat, she subsequently furnished a series of affidavits which stated and re-stated that her maiden name before marriage was “Juliann Kuehner,” that she had been united in marriage with Edwin G. Minnich on March 23, 1856 by the Rev. Daniel Zeller at the German Reformed Church in Allentown, and that she had one surviving child from the marriage, George E. Minnich, who had been born on May 15, 1857 and was under the age of 16—making him eligible for U.S. Civil War Pension support. She also noted for the record that there had been “no public or private record” of her marriage.

The Rev. Daniel Zeller backed up her testimony by providing his own affidavit in which he attested to the date of her wedding ceremony, as did Minnich family friends John D. Lawall and William H. Blumer, the president of the First National Bank of Allentown and a brother to Jacob A. Blumer, a bank cashier who was later appointed as the guardian of Julia’s minor son, George. All four men swore under oath that they had known Julia and her husband for more than five years and confirmed that the statements she had made in her affidavits were true.

Despite this evidence, no decision was made regarding Julia’s eligibility for a pension award; as a result, she was forced to find other ways to support herself and her young son, including serving as a Civil War nurse for the Union Army.

Finally awarded a U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension of twenty dollars per month on July 21, 1865, Julia (Kuehner) Minnich found herself in the position that many low-income women experience after struggling for months to make ends meet—having to build back her savings after digging herself out of a financial hole. In 1866, she made the difficult decision to send her son away to boarding school at the Home for Friendless Children for the City and County of Lancaster—one of the first privately run orphanages to receive funding from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to care for children who had lost one or both parents during the Civil War.

Seeking greater stability, she then remarried—to William Ruston, a native of England and employee of the Jordan Mill in Allentown—an act that would cause her greater hardship in the long run when her U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension was cancelled by federal government officials due to her remarriage and again when her second husband deserted her during the mid-1870s.

Forced to settle for work as a household servant in Philadelphia by 1880, she then remarried for a third time in 1887—to Charles Magill, who then also widowed her two weeks before Christmas in 1889.

Julia (Minnich) Magill’s June 3, 1896 Attestation Re: her 1863-1864 U.S. Civil War Nursing Service at Fort Taylor in Key West, Florida (U.S. Civil War Nurses’ Pension Files, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain; click to enlarge).

Soldiering on in the face of adversity, she felt a renewed sense of hope when the United States Congress approved a pension program for Civil War nurses on August 5, 1892. Applying for aid on March 4, 1896, she cited her 1865 nursing service with the Medical Department of the U.S. Volunteers at Harewood Hospital in Washington, D.C. She then added, via a letter penned on her behalf, that she had also performed nursing duties for the Union Army at Fort Taylor in Key West, Florida:

Bureau of Pensions
Dear Sir,

I served as Supt. Of Diet Kitchen in Key West – Florida from Dec. 1863 and remained there until Feb. 1864 in the 47th Pa. Regt. My husband was killed – Capt. Minnich on the 19th of October 1864 and it was after this that my service was rendered in Harewood Hospital. Harry Veand 47th Reg. Com. B Pa. Regt. if living could testify to my duty at Key West Fla. He is possibly living at Allentown Pa. If you could assist me in finding him he would remember me being at that place.

Julia Magill
her mark
No. 1314 Vienna St.
Phila Pa

Camelia Hancock [sic, possibly Cornelia Hancock]
witness to her mark

But that 1890s application process proved to be another difficult one. When her attorney advised her that pension officials had been unable to secure documentation of her nursing service, she began filing document after document with his help. But, although she was eventually gratified by an admission by federal officials that records documenting her nursing service actually did exist, she was still not awarded the nurse’s pension support that she so desperately needed and deserved.

It was only after the turn of the century—after changes were made to the federal pension system that allowed the resumption of assistance to remarried Civil War widows who had been stripped of their pensions—that her sacrifices and service to the nation were finally recognized with the restart of her Civil War Widow’s Pension payments of twenty dollars per month on April 5, 1901.

Sadly though, by this point in her life, Julia was in such dire straits, financially, that she had been forced to take a job as a cook at a hotel in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania for just two dollars per week. According to her son’s former guardian, during this period of her life, she “had no property, real or personal, and … had no means of support except her own daily labor.”

Researchers for 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers: One Civil War Regiment’s Story have not yet determined what ultimately happened to her.

A Widow Lacking English Language Proficiency

Hannah Kolb’s U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension Claim (Hannah’s Affidavit, February 14, 1865, p. 1, U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain; click to enlarge).

Following the premature death of her husband, Hannah (Imborly) Kolb also quickly realized that she faced a challenging future as a widow, single mom and head of a household that was in a precarious financial state. Putting her own shock and grief to the side, she too sought help from the federal government. After submitting her U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension claim on December 12, 1864, she was also forced to jump through multiple hoops before eventually gaining access to the pension support to which she was entitled.

Filing document after document with the court systems of both Lehigh and Montgomery counties, she appeared before justices of the peace and other county officials within those two counties to affirm that she had been married to, and had had children with, Private John Kolb, another 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantryman who had died in 1864 during his American Civil War service on behalf of the United States.

During one of her earliest appearances, Hannah testified before a judge of the General Courts, Lehigh County on February 14, 1865 “to obtain the benefit of the provision made by the act of Congress approved July 14, 1862.” During that deposition, she stated that she was a forty-five-year-old resident of Saegersville in Heidelberg Township, Lehigh County who was “the widow of John Kolb who was a Private in Company ‘K’ commanded by Captain C. W. Abbott in the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers who re-enlisted as a Veteran Volunteer in the fall of 1863, and died in the U.S. Genl. Hospital at Baltimore in the State of Maryland on the 21st day of October 1864 of Hemorrhoides [sic] while in the service of the United States.”

She added that she had been “married to the said John Kolb on the fourth day of August 1842 by Daniel Weiser at Montgomery; that her husband, the aforesaid John Kolb, died on the day above mentioned, and that she [had] remained a widow ever since that period,” noting that “her name before said marriage was Hannah Imboden,” and affirmed that there was “no public or private record” available of their marriage. She then further attested to the birth of their children, Hannah, who had been born on September 9, 1852, and Daniel, who had been born on January 17, 1853—dates of birth that also made them eligible to receive U.S. Civil War Pension support because they were still both under the age of sixteen.

Still residing in Heidelberg Township in 1866, she appeared that year before another Lehigh County justice of the peace on December 8 to re-state for the record that she was the widow of Private John Kolb, who “died in the Military Service of the United States on the 21st day of October 1864 at the United States General Hospital Baltimore MD. while a private in company ‘K’ Commanded by Capt. C. W. Abbott 47th Regiment Penna. Vols. Commanded by Col. T. H. Good in the war of 1861,” and reiterated that she had “remained a widow” since the death of her husband. In addition, she repeated the vital statistics related to her marriage and births of her children, who were still living at home with her. Adding that she was filing her 1866 affidavit “for the purpose of obtaining the benefit of the provisions made by the Second Section of the Act of Congress increasing the pensions for widows and orphans approved July 25, 1866,” she also stated for the record that she was appointing C. W. Bennett, Esquire of Washington, D.C., as her attorney to represent her in ongoing proceedings related to her pension claim.

The mark made by Hannah Kolb, in lieu of her signature, on one of her U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension claim affidavits (U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain; click to enlarge).

One of the notable features of Hannah Kolb’s pension paperwork (which is also a notable feature of many of the pension files of other women mentioned in this article) is that she “made her mark” on documents that she was required to sign, signaling that she could not read or write English well enough to complete the federal pension application forms and required supporting documentation by herself. Since a significant percentage of the men who enlisted with the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were German immigrants or Pennsylvania-born men of German heritage who still spoke German or Pennsylvania Dutch at home, it is reasonable to theorize that those times when she “made her mark” were an indication that she was most likely someone who also still only spoke German or Pennsylvania Dutch at home—a language barrier that put her at a disadvantage when trying to communicate with federal government officials who were far more proficient in English than they were in German.

Still battling to obtain the federal financial assistance she needed to keep her family housed and fed, Hannah next sought help from her husband’s former superior officer—Lieutenant-Colonel Charles W. Abbott. On August 31, 1867, Abbott submitted an affidavit to the county courts in which he attested that “John Kolb contracted a disease whilst in said service in the state of LA. [Louisiana] but however marched on with his said company [from] Richmond to Harrisonburg Va. and then from there he was sent to Jarvis U.S.A. G— Hospital at Baltimore Md. once Regt. reached Harrisonsburg [circa] 25th of Sept. 1864 and the said John Kolb reached that place [circa 27 September] and was the same day he reached there [was transferred to Jarvis Hospital].”

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles W. Abbott’s affidavit, filed in support of Hannah Kolb’s U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension claim, p. 1, August 1867, p. 1, U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain; click to enlarge).

Abbott then went on to present additional facts related to John Kolb’s illness and death and made clear to court officials that his subordinate’s illness and death were both directly related to his military service with the 47th Pennsylvania.

Less than three months later, on November 18, 1867, Hannah appeared before Lehigh County Justice of the Peace Samuel J. Kistler for the purpose of “explaining discrepancies between the Original Application” for her pension and the paperwork she had subsequently filed for an increase in that pension. The justice asked questions regarding the birth date of her daughter, which she confirmed. Her attorney then explained that errors on previous paperwork were not Hannah’s fault but were due to the representation she had received previously.

On February 1, 1868, Hannah made her next pension claim-related appearance—this time before a Lehigh County alderman—to attest, yet again, that she was a resident of Heidelberg Township who was “the widow of John Kolb who was a private in Co. ‘K’ – 47 Regt. Pa. Vols. In the war of 1861,” reiterating that she “was married to John Kolb on the 4th day of August A.D. 1842.”

This time, however, her attorney came better prepared.

Stating for the record that her marriage data “appear[ed] by a family Record in an old prayer Book now in my possession (which said Record reads as follows…),” he handed court officials an affidavit that presented, verbatim, in German, the text from Hannah’s prayer book which contained the vital statistics of her marriage. During that round of testimony, Hannah and her attorney also corrected the spelling of her maiden name, stating that it was “Imborly” and not “Imboden,” as had been written by her previous legal representative. Once again, she made an “X” mark in lieu of her signature.

On March 13, 1879, she appeared before Lehigh County Justice of the Peace Samuel Kistler to file a new claim that would enable her to restart her pension, the monthly payments of which had fallen into “arrears” (unpaid) status. Once again, she marked an “X” on the legal document in lieu of her signature.

Throughout this long process, as she cleared one hurdle after another, sapping the emotional energy she needed to raise her children, Hannah sought the help of the minister who had married her, the physician who had delivered two of her children, and multiple neighbors—each of whom attested that she was, indeed, who she said she was—the widow of 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantryman John Kolb and was, most definitely, the mother of his children.

Finally awarded a U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension of eight dollars per month, she was then also granted an additional four dollars per month for the support of her minor children on February 19, 1868.

Researchers are still working to identify her year of death and burial location.

A Widow Pushed to the Brink of Madness

Excerpt from 1868 court petition by Caroline Herman’s father and brother to have her declared incompetent, p. 1 (U.S. Civil War Widows’ and Orphans’ Pension Files, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain; click to enlarge).

The mind of Caroline (Miller) Herman appears to have shattered after she received word that she had been widowed by her soldier-husband, Private William Herman, a member of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers’ F Company who had died from disease-related complications following the Union’s 1864 Red River Campaign across Louisiana. Struggling financially, her behavior became increasingly erratic after beginning her application process for a U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension.

A resident of Weisenberg Township, Lehigh County during the fall of 1866, the thirty-two-year-old was in a such a precarious position by the end of that year that Joshua Seiberling, the attorney helping her with her pension application, felt compelled to pen an appeal to the U.S. Pension Bureau in which he begged federal officials to speed up their review due to the severe hardships that she and her children were suffering.

Although her widow’s pension was eventually approved by the bureau, the examiner handling her case initially refused to grant the additional orphans’ pension support she had requested (an extra two dollars per month for each of her two children). In later testimony before the court, Seiberling described how Caroline’s life had continued to unravel:

Just about that time [when she received word that she would be receiving a widow’s pension] she fell into the hands of Henry Croll from Berks Co. He controlled her so that she Refused to execute another paper for me. I dropped the matter there, after the Father and Brother of Caroline Harman [sic, Herman] called on me and desired me to permit them to present my name to our court as Committee of Caroline that they had all else prepared. I permitted them to do so and as you will see I was appointed but before the [proceedings] of said court was closed Croll persuaded Mrs. Harman to come and live with him and thereby got her out of our county, and out of our power. About the same time he was appointed by our court as guardian of the two minor children of said Mrs. Harman and for two of the minor children of William Shaffer, also a deceased soldier.

When the court realized that Henry Croll was “insolvent” and unable to pay the surety bond that all court-appointed guardians were expected to furnish, the court revoked his guardianship and appointed Seiberling in his place.

On June 11, 1868, Caroline’s father and brother—Daniel Miller, Sr. and Daniel Miller, Jr.—petitioned the Court of Common Pleas of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, for help, stating that Caroline was so mentally ill that she was no longer capable of managing her finances or caring for her children. Asking the court to determine “whether the said Caroline Harman [sic, Herman] has or has not by reason of lunacy become incapable of managing her estate,” they also asked the court to order that a formal inquest be held.

Same day inquisition taken and returned finding the said Caroline Harman [sic, Herman] a lunatic and that she has been so for ten years and upwards—but that she enjoys lucid intervals—and that by reason of said lunacy she is incapable of managing her estate.

Her commitment was subsequently ordered by the court on September 25, 1868, and her children were enrolled by Seiberling in the Pennsylvania Soldiers’ Orphans’ School in Womelsdorf, Berks County, which was known at that time, and is still known as the Bethany Orphans’ Home. Although “provided for at the expense of the State,” according to Seiberling, Seiberling continued to seek pension support for Caroline and her children.

Nearly thirty-one years to the day on which her husband died, Caroline (Miller) Herman passed away in Reading, Berks County (on July 27, 1895).

A Widow Accused of Adultery

Accusation of adultery made against Pauline (Wilt Ritter) Knauss by U.S Pension Bureau official (Pauline Ritter’s U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension File, Restoration Claim Rejection, 1887, p. 3, U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain; click to enlarge).

Following the untimely death of her own husband, Pauline (Wilt) Ritter was just twenty-one years old when she became a single mother and head of her household. She filed for a U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension on December 4, 1863, assisted by attorney Edwin Albright, while also fighting to keep her young daughter, Mary Jane Ritter, housed, clothed and fed.

According to her pension file, Pauline and her daughter were also residents of Allentown. Her eventual pension award—eight dollars per month—was made retroactive to October 30, 1863—the date of her soldier-husband’s death.

But she was young—and she had a long life ahead of her. So, after roughly fifteen years of living as the grieving widow of Corporal James Ritter, she made the decision to remarry in a ceremony that took place on February 3, 1885 at the home of her second husband, Thomas M. Knauss, a veteran of the Civil War who had served with Company L of the 1st Pennsylvania Cavalry.

Before she took this step, however, she made an unusual decision for a widow—to stop cashing her pension checks. She did so, according to testimony that she provided for government officials, because she had been told by several neighbors that she was not entitled to receive Civil War Pension support because she had “a suitor.”

Several years later, when she realized that she had been misled, she filed a claim with the U.S. Pension Bureau, on July 26, 1886, to be compensated for the back payments that she believed had rightly been due her since 1879. She then filed an additional affidavit, on November 30, in which she explained to those same officials, that she “did not draw her pension during the period from June 4, 1879 to Feb. 3, 1885 because during said period her present husband was her suitor or beau and she was told that because of said fact she could no longer draw her pension, and that being so informed by her neighbors she failed to execute her vouchers and never made inquiry of the pension office … taking it for granted that she could no longer get her pension.”

An ugly dispute then ensued.

After the initial Pension Bureau examiner who was assigned to review Pauline’s claim rejected that claim, another bureau staffer who had been assigned to re-review her claim made a determination that the first examiner’s work wasn’t up to par. On July 27, 1887, that Board of Re-Review staffer issued this finding: “The Reviewer gives no grounds for rejecting this claim for restoration.”

Two days later, on July 29, A. T. Parsons wrote this shocking letter to the Chief of the Board of Reviewers:

The Reviewer does give grounds for rejecting claim for restoration; if a pensioner has overdrawn all pension to which she is entitled is not grounds for rejection of a claim for restoration, and sufficient ground for such action I fail to understand what can be more effective.

The facts in this case are the pensioner commenced to live with Thomas M. Knauss in 1865 and continued to live with him as his wife up to the present time having between 1866 and 1883 eight children by him. Feb. 3 1885 the ceremony of marriage was performed.

I could not reject on the grounds of remarriage prior to 1885. Neither could I reject on the ground of open and notorious adulterous cohabitation for as this all took place in the State of Pa. it is not the fact.

Parsons made these incendiary claims, despite attestations by Pauline’s longtime neighbors and son-in-law that she had not remarried since the death of her husband until she wed Thomas Knauss in February 1885.

That first Pension Bureau claims reviewer appears to have been in possession of contradictory evidence, however; according to the federal census enumerator who visited her home in 1870, Pauline was already using the Knauss surname that year and was describing herself as the wife of Thomas Knauss and the mother of Mary Ritter (aged nine), George (aged four) and Robert (aged two). By the time of the 1880 federal census, her household with Thomas Knauss had grown to include four more children: daughters Emma (aged nine), Agnes (aged eight), Effy (aged three), and Minerva (aged one).

Meanwhile, Mary Jane—her daughter from her first marriage—had begun her own married life with her new husband. (Sadly, Mary Jane’s life would prove to be a short one. She passed away in Allentown while just in her early forties.)

Despite the growing controversy and heartache, Pauline soldiered on, waging a war of words and paper with the U.S. Pension Bureau while also continuing to make a life in Allentown with her second husband and their large family. But then he also widowed her.

Having survived the deaths of her first husband (1863), her second husband (1900), her daughter from her first marriage, Mary Jane (1902), and two of her sons from her second marriage—George W. Knauss in 1918, and John Ellsworth Knauss, who had died suddenly from an abscessed appendix on February 11, 1922, Pauline (Wilt Ritter) Knauss died in Allentown from mesenteric thrombosis (a blood clot in one of her intestinal arteries) on February 27, 1922. Subsequently buried beside her second husband, she was survived by her daughter from her second marriage, Goldie Viola (Knauss) Landis (1883-1960).

The Often Heartbreaking Evidence

To view the U.S. Civil War Widow’s Pension records of these and other widows of 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantrymen who navigated the federal pension application process during and after the American Civil War, visit these pages of our project’s website:

 

Sources:

  1. Caroline Herman, Daniel Miller (father), Catharine Welder (mother), and William Herman, in Death Records (Zion Evangelical Lutheran Church, Maxatawny Township, Berks County, Pennsylvania, 1895). Berks County, Pennsylvania: Zion Evangelical Lutheran Church.
  2. Charles Magill, in Coroner’s Certificates. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Office of the Coroner, December 10, 1889.
  3. Charles Magill and “Julian Ruston” [sic], in Certificate of Marriage. Camden, New Jersey: St. Paul’s Protestant Episcopal Church, January 18, 1887.
  4. Edwin Minnich, Juliann (Kuehner) Minnich, and George Minnich, in U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files. Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, 1865-1901.
  5. Harman, Carolina [sic], in Death Records (City of Reading, Berks County, Pennsylvania, July 27, 1895). Reading, Pennsylvania: Clerk of the Orphans’ Court, Berks County.
  6. Harman [sic], William and Caroline, in U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files. Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  7. Herman, Caroline, widow of William Herman, in U.S. Census, Longswamp Township, Berks County, Pennsylvania, 1890). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  8. “Judge Endlich’s Opinion” (ruling on the sanity of Carolina Herman). Reading, Pennsylvania: Reading Times, September 30, 1890.
  9. Julia Magill, in “Prominent Army Nurses,” in “The National Association of Army Nurses of the Civil War.” Washington, D.C.: The Evening Times, Wednesday, October 8, 1902.
  10. Knauss, Thomas, Pauline, George, and Robert, and Ritter, Mary, in U.S. Census (Allentown, First Ward, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1870). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  11. Knauss, Thomas, Pauline, George, Robert, Emma, Agnes, Effy, and Minerva, in U.S. Census (Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1880). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  12. Pauline Knauss, in Death Certificates (file no.: 15329, registered no.: 219; date of death: February 27, 1922). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Department of Health, Bureau of Vital Statistics.
  13. Kolb, Hannah and William, in U.S. Census (Heidelberg Township, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1870; note: shown as living next door to/near Hiram Kolb, who was Hannah’s son and William’s brother); Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  14. Kolb, John and Hannah, in U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files. Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  15. “Minick, Julia A. (nee) Megill, Julia A.” [sic], in U.S. Civil War Pension General Index Cards, 1896. Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  16. Minnich, Capt. Edwin G. and Mrs. Julia (Kuehner) Minnich (images and military paperwork). Pennsylvania: Personal Collection of Chris Sapp.
  17. Minnich, George E., in New Jersey State Census (1895). Trenton, New Jersey: New Jersey Department of State.
  18. Ritter, James and Paulina, in U.S. Civil War Widows’ Pension Files. Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
  19. “Todte Körper Heimgebracht” (“Dead Bodies Brought Home”). Allentown, Pennsylvania: Der Lecha Caunty Patriot, February 2, 1864.

 

Sitting in Judgment: Four Officers of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers Oversee Court Martial Proceedings (1862–1863)

Captain John Peter Shindel Gobin, Company C, 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, shown here circa 1863, went on to become lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania after the war (public domain).

One of the terms that crops up when researching the history of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers is court martial—a phrase that often conjures images of soldiers deserting their posts or behaving in some other dishonorable manner, and who then ended up facing charges of conduct unbecoming.”

With respect to the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, the phrase “court martial” appears, more often than not, in relation to the service by multiple officers of the regiment who were assigned to serve as judges or members of the jury during trials of civilians in territories where the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were assigned to provost (military police and civilian court) duties, or as judges or members of the jury during the court martials of other members of the Union Army during the American Civil War.

This article presents details about two of the multiple military courts martial in which members of the 47th Pennsylvania were involved.

1862

In mid to late December 1862, Brigadier-General John Milton Brannan directed the three most senior officers of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry—Colonel Tilghman H. Good, Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander and Major William H. Gausler—to serve on a judicial panel with other Union Army officers during the court martial trial of Colonel Richard White of the 55th Pennsylvania Volunteers. Brannan then also appointed Captain John Peter Shindel Gobin of the 47th Pennsylvania’s C Company as judge advocate for the proceedings.

Of the four, Gobin was, perhaps, the most experienced from a legal standpoint. Prior to the war, he was a practicing attorney in Sunbury, Pennsylvania. Post-war, he went on to serve in the Pennsylvania State Senate and as lieutenant governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.

On December 18, 1862, The New York Herald provided the following report regarding Colonel White’s court martial:

A little feud [had] arisen in Beaufort between General [Rufus] Saxton and the forces of the Tenth Army corps. Last week, during the absence at Fernandina of General Brannan and Colonel Good, the latter of whom is in command of the forces on Port Royal Island, Colonel Richard White of the Fifty-fifth Pennsylvania, was temporarily placed in authority. By his command a stable, used by some of General Saxton’s employes [sic, employees], was torn down. General Saxton remonstrated, and … hard words ensued … the General presumed upon his rank to place Colonel White in arrest, and to assume the control of the military forces. Upon General Brannan’s return, last Monday, General Saxton preferred against Colonel White several charges, among which are ‘conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline’ and ‘conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman.’ General Brannan, while denying the right of General Saxton to exercise any authority over the troops, has, nevertheless, ordered a general court martial to be convened, and the following officers, comprising the detail of the court, are to-day [sic, today] trying the case:— Brigadier General Terry, United States Volunteers; Colonel T. H. Good, Forty-seventh Pennsylvania; Colonel H. R. Guss, Ninety-seventh Pennsylvania; Colonel J. D. Rust, Eighth Maine; Colonel J. R. Hawley, Seventh Connecticut; Colonel Edward Metcalf, Third Rhode Island artillery; Lieutenant Colonel G. W. Alexander, 47th Pennsylvania; Lieutenant Colonel J. F. Twitchell, Eighth Maine; Lieutenant Colonel J. H. Bedell, Third New Hampshire; Major Gausler, Forty-seventh Pennsylvania; Major John Freese, Third Rhode Island artillery; Captain J. P. S. Gobin, Forty-seventh Pennsylvania, Judge Advocate. Among the officers of the corps the act of General Saxton is generally deemed a usurpation on his part; and, inasmuch as this opinion is either to be sustained or outweighed by the Court, a good deal of interest is manifested in the trial.

White, whose regiment had just recently fought side-by-side with the 47th Pennsylvania and other Brannan regiments in the Battle of Pocotaligo, was ultimately acquitted, according to subsequent reports by the United States War Department.

1863

Major William H. Gausler, third-in-command of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, 1861-1864 (photo used with permission, courtesy of Julian Burley).

Three months after the aforementioned court martial proceedings, Major William Gausler was called upon again to oversee legal proceedings against his fellow Union Army soldiers—this time serving as president of the courts martial of two members of the 90th New York Volunteer Infantry. Those trials and their resulting findings were subsequently reported by the Adjutant General’s Office of the U.S. War Department roughly a year later as follows:

General Orders, No. 118
War Department, Adjutant General’s Office
Washington, March 24, 1864

I. Before a General Court Martial, which convened at Fort Taylor, Key West, Florida, March 23, 1863, pursuant to Special Orders, No. 130, dated Headquarters, Department of the South, Hilton Head, Port Royal, South Carolina, March 7, 1863, and of which Major W. H. Gausler, 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, is President, were arraigned and tried—

1. Captain Edward D. Smythe, 90th New York State Volunteers.

CHARGE I.—“Violation of the 7th Article of War.”

Specification—“In this, that Captain Edward D. Smythe, 90th Regiment New York State Volunteers, did join in a seditious combination of officers of the 90th Regiment New York State Volunteers. This at Key West, Florida, on or about the 20th day of February, 1863.”

CHARGE II.—“Violation of the 8th Article of War.”

Specification 1st—“In this; that Captain Edward D. Smyth, 90th Regiment New York State Volunteers, being present at an unlawful and seditious assemblage of officers of the 90th Regiment New York State Volunteers, held at the Light-house Barracks, Key West, Florida, on or about the 20th day of February, 1863.”

Specification 2d—“In this; that Captain Edward D. Smyth, Company ‘G,’ 90th Regiment New York State Volunteers, having knowledge of an intended unlawful and seditious assemblage of officers of the 90th New York State Volunteers being held at the Light-house Barracks, Key West, Florida, did not without delay give information of the same to his Commanding Officer. This at Key West, Florida, on or about the 20th day of February, 1863.”

CHARGE III.—“Rebellious conduct, tending to excite mutiny.”

Specification 1st —“In this; that Captain Edward D. Smyth, Company ‘G,’ 90th Regiment New York State Volunteers, did, with, thirteen other officers of the 90th New York State Volunteers, tender his resignation, and insist upon its being forwarded, at a time when there were apprehensions of a general resistance to the execution of an order from the Headquarters of the Department of the South. This at Key West, Florida, on or about the 20th day of February, 1863.”

Specification 2d—“In this; that Captain Edward D. Smyth, Company ‘G,’ 90th Regiment New York State Volunteers, did, after so tendering his resignation, positively refuse to withdraw the same when requested to do so by his Commanding Officer, Colonel Joseph S. Morgan, 90th Regiment New York State Volunteers, then commanding the post, he having been notified by Commanding Officer that there were apprehensions of imminent danger at the post. All this at Key West, Florida, on our about the 20th day of February, 1863.”

To which charges and specifications the accused, Captain Edward D. Smyth, 90th New York State Volunteers, pleaded “Not Guilty.”

FINDING.

The Court, having maturely considered the evidence adduced, finds the accused, Captain Edward D. Smyth, 90th New York State Volunteers, as follows:

CHARGE I.

Of the Specification, “Not Guilty.”
Of the Charge, “Not Guilty.”

CHARGE II.

Of the 1st Specification, “Not Guilty.”
Of the 2d Specification, “Not Guilty.”
Of the Charge, “Not Guilty.”

CHARGE III.

Of the 1st Specification, “Guilty, except the words ‘insist upon its being forwarded at a time when there were apprehensions of a general resistance to the execution of an order from the Headquarters of the Department of the South.’”

Of the 2d Specification, “Guilty.”
Of the Charge, “Not Guilty.”

And the Court, being of opinion there was no criminality, does therefore acquit him.

 

2. 1st Lieutenant Charles N. Smith, 90th New York Volunteers.

CHARGE I.—“Neglect of duty.

Specification—“In this; that the said Lieutenant Charles N. Smith, Company ‘G,’ 90th New York Volunteers, did, on the night of the 10th of March, when he was the Officer of the Day, permit and encourage an enlisted man who was drunk to occupy and sleep in his, the said Lieutenant C. N. Smith’s quarters, and to create an uproar, to the disturbance and annoyance of the officers in the same building, and did not send him, the said enlisted man, although after ‘taps,’ to his proper quarters, or cause him to be quiet.”

CHARGE II.—“Conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman, and prejudicial to good order and military discipline.”

Specification—“In this; that the said Lieutenant Charles N. Smith did allow and keep in his quarters all night a drunken enlisted man, and encourage him to speak disrespectfully and abusively of his superior officers; and upon the said enlisted man saying ‘that every officer who had sent in his resignation was a cock-sucking son-of-a-bitch,’ did reply ‘that’s so;’ and did further permit, encourage, and agree to many other things said of a like nature. All this at Key West, Florida, on or about March 10, 1863.”

To which charges and specifications the accused, 1st Lieutenant Charles N. Smith, 90th New York Volunteers, pleaded “Not Guilty.”

FINDING.

The Court, having maturely considered the evidence adduced, finds the accused, 1st Lieutenant Charles N. Smith, 90th New York Volunteers, as follows:

CHARGE I.

Of the Specification, “Guilty, excepting the words ‘encouraged’ or ‘cause him to be quiet.’”
Of the Charge, “Guilty.”

CHARGE II.

Of the Specification, “Guilty of allowing and keeping in his quarters all night a drunken enlisted man.”
Of the Charge, “Guilty, except the words ‘unbecoming an officer and a gentleman.’”

SENTENCE.

And the Court does therefore sentence him, the said Charles N. Smith, 1st Lieutenant, 90th New York Volunteers, “To be reprimanded by his Commanding Officer.”

Trusted to honorably and faithfully fulfill their responsibilities by senior Union Army leaders, those and other officers of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry would be called upon repeatedly for the remainder of the war to serve in similar judicial roles throughout the remaining years of the war.

 

Sources:

  1. General Orders No., 118, Washington, March 24, 1864, in Index of General Orders Adjutant General’s Office, 1864. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1865.
  2. “Our Hilton Head Correspondence.” New York New York: The New York Herald, December 16, 1862.
  3. South Carolina.; Military Organization of the Department of South Carolina.” New York, New York: The New York Times, August 8, 1865.

 

 

New Year, New Duty Station: Adjusting to Life at Fort Jefferson in Florida’s Dry Tortugas (Late December 1862 – Late February 1863)

Brigadier-General John Milton Brannan, U.S. Army (public domain).

“It is hardly necessary to point out to you the extreme military importance of the two works now intrusted [sic, entrusted] to your command. Suffice it to state that they cannot pass out of our hands without the greatest possible disgrace to whoever may conduct their defense, and to the nation at large. In view of difficulties that may soon culminate in war with foreign powers, it is eminently necessary that these works should be immediately placed beyond any possibility of seizure by any naval or military force that may be thrown upon them from neighboring ports….

Seizure of these forts by coup de main may be the first act of hostilities instituted by foreign powers, and the comparative isolation of their position, and their distance from reinforcements, point them out (independent of their national importance) as peculiarly the object of such an effort to possess them.”

— Excerpt from orders issued by Brigadier-General John Milton Brannan, commanding officer, United States Army, Department of the South, to Colonel Tilghman H. Good, commanding officer of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry in December 1862

 

Fort Jefferson, Dry Tortugas, Florida, view from the sea, 1946 (vacation photograph collection of President Harry Truman, November 1946 U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, public domain).

Having been ordered by Union Brigadier-General John Milton Brannan to resume garrison duties in Florida in December 1862, after having been badly battered in the Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina two months earlier, the officers and enlisted members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were also informed in December that their regiment would become a divided one. This was being done, Brannan said, not as a punishment for their performance, which had been valiant, but to help the federal government to ensure that the foreign governments that had granted belligerent status to the Confederate States of America would not be able to aid the Confederate army and navy further in their efforts to move troops and supplies from Europe and the Deep South of the United States to the various theaters of the American Civil War.

As a result, roughly sixty percent of 47th Pennsylvanians (Companies A, B, C, E, G, and I) were sent back to Fort Taylor in Key West shortly before Christmas in 1862 while the remaining members of the regiment (from Companies D, F, H, and K) were transported by the USS Cosmopolitan to Fort Jefferson, the Union’s remote outpost in the Dry Tortugas, which was situated roughly seventy miles off the coast of Florida. They arrived there in late December of that same year.

Life at Fort Jefferson

Union Army Columbiad on the Terreplein at Fort Jefferson, Dry Tortugas, Florida (George A. Grant, 1937, U.S. National Park Service, public domain).

Garrison duty in Florida proved to be serious business for the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers. Per records of the United States Army’s Ordnance Department, the defense capabilities of Fort Jefferson in 1863 were impressive—thirty-three smoothbore cannon (twenty-four of which were twenty-four pounder howitzers that had been installed in the fort’s bastions to protect the installation’s flanks, and nine of which were forty-two pounders available for other defensive actions); six James rifles (forty-two pounder seacoast guns); and forty-three Columbiads (six ten-inch and thirty-seven eight-inch seacoast guns).

Fort Jefferson was so heavily armed because it was “key in controlling … shipping in the Gulf of Mexico and was being used as a supply depot for the distribution of rations and munitions to Federal troops in the Mississippi Delta; and as a supply and fueling station for naval vessels engaged in the blockade or transport of supplies and troops,” according to historian Lewis Schmidt.

Large quantities of stores, including such diverse items as flour … ham … coal, shot, shell, powder, 5000 crutches, hospital stores, and stone, bricks and lumber for the fort, were collected and stored at the Tortugas for distribution when needed. Federal prisoners, most of them court martialed Union soldiers, were incarcerated at the fort during the period of the war and used as laborers in improving the structure and grounds. As many as 1200 prisoners were kept at the fort during the war, and at least 500 to 600 were needed to maintain a 200 man working crew for the engineers.

With respect to housing and feeding the soldiers stationed here:

Cattle and swine were kept on one of the islands nearest the fort, called Hog Island (today’s Bush Key), and would be compelled to swim across the channel to the fort to be butchered, with a hawser fastened to their horns. The meat was butchered twice each week, and rations were frequently supplemented by drawing money for commissary stores not used, and using it to buy fish and other available food items from the local fishermen. The men of the 7th New Hampshire [who were also stationed at Fort Jefferson] acquired countless turtle and birds’ eggs … from adjacent keys, including ‘Sand Key’ [where the fort’s hospital was located]. Loggerhead turtles were also caught … [and] were kept in the ‘breakwater ditch outside of the walls of the fort’, and used to supplement the diet [according to one soldier from New Hampshire].

Second-tier casemates, lighthouse keeper’s house, sallyport, and lean-to structure, Fort Jefferson, Dry Tortugas, Florida, late 1860s (U.S. National Park Service and National Archives, public domain).

In addition, the fort’s “interior parade grounds, with numerous trees and shrubs in evidence, contained … officers’ quarters, [a] magazine, kitchens and out houses,” as well as a post office and “a ‘hot shot oven’ which was completed in 1863 and used to heat shot before firing,” according to Schmidt.

Most quarters for the garrison … were established in wooden sheds and tents inside the parade [grounds] or inside the walls of the fort in second-tier gun rooms of ‘East’ front no. 2, and adjacent bastions … with prisoners housed in isolated sections of the first and second tiers of the southeast, or no. 3 front, and bastions C and D, located in the general area of the sallyport. The bakery was located in the lower tier of the northwest bastion ‘F’, located near the central kitchen….

According to H Company Second Lieutenant Christian Breneman, the walk around Fort Jefferson’s barren perimeter was less than a mile long with a sweeping view of the Gulf of Mexico. Brennan also noted the presence of “six families living [nearby], with 12 or 15 respectable ladies.”

Balls and parties are held regularly at the officers’ quarters, which is a large three-story brick building with large rooms and folding doors.

Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, second-in-command, 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, standing next to his horse, with officers from the 47th, Fort Jefferson, Dry Tortugas, Florida, circa 1863 (public domain; click to enlarge).

Shortly after the arrival of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers at Fort Jefferson, First Lieutenant George W. Fuller was appointed as adjutant for Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, who had been placed in command of the fort’s operations. Assistant Regimental Surgeon Jacob Scheetz, M.D. was appointed as post surgeon and given command of the fort’s hospital operations, responsibilities he would continue to execute for fourteen months. In addition, Private John Schweitzer of the 47th Pennsylvania’s A Company was directed to serve at the fort’s baker, B Company’s Private Alexander Blumer was assigned as clerk of the quartermaster’s department, and H Company’s Third Sergeant William C. Hutchinson began his new duties as provost sergeant while H Company Privates John D. Long and William Barry were given additional duties as a boatman and baker, respectively.

When Christmas Day dawned, many at the fort experienced feelings of sadness and ennui as they continued to mourn friends who had recently been killed at Pocotaligo and worried about others who were still fighting to recover from their battle wounds.

1863

Unidentified Union Army artillerymen standing beside one of the fifteen-inch Rodman guns installed on the third level of Fort Jefferson in the Dry Tortugas, Florida, circa 1862. Each smoothbore Rodman weighed twenty-five tons, and was able to fire four-hundred-and-fifty-pound shells more than three miles (U.S. National Park Service, public domain).

The New Year arrived at Fort Jefferson with a bang—literally—as the fort’s biggest guns thundered in salute, kicking off a day of celebration designed by senior military officials to lift the spirits of the men and inspire them to continued service. Donning their best uniforms, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers assembled on the parade grounds, where they marched in a dress parade and drilled to the delight of the civilians living on the island, including Emily Holder, who had been living in a small house within the fort’s walls since 1860 with her husband, who had been stationed there as a medical officer for the fort’s engineers. When describing that New Year’s Day and other events for an 1892 magazine article, she said:

On January 1st, 1863, the steamer Magnolia visited Fort Jefferson and we exchanged hospitalities. One of the officers who dined with us said it was the first time in nine months he had sat at a home table, having been all that time on the blockade….

Colonel Alexander, our new Commander, said that in Jacksonville, where they paid visits to the people, the young ladies would ask to be excused from not rising; they were ashamed to expose their uncovered feet, and their dresses were calico pieced from a variety of kinds.

Two days later, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers’ dress parade was a far less enjoyable one as temperatures and tempers soared. The next day, H Company Corporal George Washington Albert and several of his comrades were given the unpleasant task of carrying the regiment’s foul-smelling garbage to a flatboat and hauling it out to sea for dumping.

As the month of January progressed, it became abundantly clear to members of the regiment that the practice of chattel slavery was as ever present at and beyond the walls of Fort Jefferson as it had been at Fort Taylor and in South Carolina. It seemed that the changing of hearts and minds would take time even among northerners—despite President Lincoln’s best efforts, as illustrated by these telling observations made later that same month by Emily Holder:

We received a paper on the 10th of January, which was read in turns by the residents, containing rumors of the emancipation which was to take place on the first, but we had to wait another mail for the official announcement.

I asked a slave who was in my service if he thought he should like freedom. He replied, of course he should, and hoped it would prove true; but the disappointment would not be as great as though it was going to take away something they had already possessed. I thought him a philosopher.

In Key West, many of the slaves had already anticipated the proclamation, and as there was no authority to prevent it, many people were without servants. The colored people seemed to think ‘Uncle Sam’ was going to support them, taking the proclamation in its literal sense. They refused to work, and as they could not be allowed to starve, they were fed, though there were hundreds of people who were offering exorbitant prices for help of any kind—a strange state of affairs, yet in their ignorance one could not wholly blame them. Colonel Tinelle [sic, Colonel L. W. Tinelli] would not allow them to leave Fort Jefferson, and many were still at work on the fort.

John, a most faithful boy, had not heard the news when he came up to the house one evening, so I told him, then asked if he should leave us immediately if he had his freedom.

His face shone, and his eyes sparkled as he asked me to tell him all about it. He did not know what he would do. The next morning Henry, another of our good boys, who had always wished to be my cook, but had to work on the fort, came to see me, waiting until I broached the subject, for I knew what he came for. He hoped the report would not prove a delusion. He and John had laid by money, working after hours, and if it was true, they would like to go to one of the English islands and be ‘real free.’

I asked him how the boys took the news as it had been kept from them until now, or if they had heard a rumor whether they thought it one of the soldier’s stories.

‘Mighty excited, Missis,’ he replied….

Henry had been raised in Washington by a Scotch lady, who promised him his freedom when he became of age; but she died before that time arrived, and Henry had been sold with the other household goods.

The 47th Pennsylvanians continued to undergo inspections, drill and march for the remainder of January as regimental and company assignments were fine-tuned by their officers to improve efficiency. Among the changes made was the reassignment of Private Blumer to service as clerk of the fort’s ordnance department.

Three key officers of the regiment, however, remained absent. D Company’s Second Lieutenant George Stroop was still assigned to detached duties with the U.S. Army’s Signal Corps aboard the Union Navy’s war sloop, Canandaigua, and H Company’s First Lieutenant William Wallace Geety was back home in Pennsylvania, still trying to recruit new members for the regiment while recovering from the grievous injuries he had sustained at Pocotaligo, while Company K’s Captain Charles W. Abbott was undergoing treatment for disease-related complications at Fort Taylor’s post hospital.

Disease, in fact, would continue to be one of the Union Army’s most fearsome foes during this phase of duty, felling thirty-five members of its troops stationed at Fort Jefferson during the months of January and February alone. Those seriously ill enough to be hospitalized included twenty men battling dysentery and/or chronic diarrhea, four men suffering from either intermittent or bilious remittent fever, and two who were recovering from the measles with others diagnosed with rheumatism and general debility.

Fort Jefferson’s moat and wall, circa 1934, Dry Tortugas, Florida (C. E. Peterson, U.S. Library of Congress; public domain).

The primary reason for this shocking number of sick soldiers was the problematic water quality. According to Schmidt:

‘Fresh’ water was provided by channeling the rains from the fort’s barbette through channels in the interior walls, to filter trays filled with sand; and finally to the 114 cisterns located under the fort which held 1,231,200 gallons of water. The cisterns were accessible in each of the first level cells or rooms through a ‘trap hole’ in the floor covered by a temporary wooden cover…. Considerable dirt must have found its way into these access points and was responsible for some of the problems resulting in the water’s impurity…. The fort began to settle and the asphalt covering on the outer walls began to deteriorate and allow the sea water (polluted by debris in the moat) to penetrate the system…. Two steam condensers were available … and distilled 7000 gallons of tepid water per day for a separate system of reservoirs located in the northern section of the parade ground near the officers [sic, officers’] quarters. No provisions were made to use any of this water for personal hygiene of the [planned 1,500-soldier garrison force]….

Consequently, soldiers were forced to wash themselves and their clothes using saltwater hauled from the ocean. As if that were not difficult enough, “toilet facilities were located outside of the fort.” According to Schmidt:

At least one location was near the wharf and sallyport, and another was reached through a door-sized hole in a gunport, and a walk across the moat on planks at the northwest wall…. These toilets were flushed twice each day by the actions of the tides, a procedure that did not work very well and contributed to the spread of disease. It was intended that the tidal flush should move the wastes into the moat, and from there, by similar tidal action, into the sea. But since the moat surrounding the fort was used clandestinely by the troops to dispose of litter and other wastes … it was a continuous problem for Lt. Col. Alexander and his surgeon.

When it came to the care of soldiers with more serious infectious diseases such as smallpox, soldiers and prisoners were confined to isolation roughly three miles away on Bird Key to prevent contagion. The small island also served as a burial ground for Union soldiers stationed at the fort.

* Note: During this same period, First Lieutenant Lawrence Bonstine was assigned to special duty as Post Adjutant at Fort Taylor in Key West, a position he continued to hold from at least January 10, 1863 through the end of December 1863. Reporting directly to the regiment’s founder and commanding officer, Colonel Tilghman H. Good, he was essentially Good’s right hand, ensuring that regimental records and reports to more senior military officials were kept up to date while performing other higher level administrative and leadership tasks.

On February 3, 1863, Colonel Tilghman Good, visited Fort Jefferson, in his capacity as regimental commanding officer and accompanied by the newly re-formed Regimental Band (band no. 2). Led by Regimental Bandmaster Anton Bush, the ensemble was on hand to perform the music for that evening’s officers’ ball.

Sometime during this phase of duty, Corporal George W. Albert was reassigned to duties as camp cook for Company H, giving him the opportunity to oversee at least one of the formerly enslaved Black men who had enlisted with the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry while the regiment was stationed in Beaufort, South Carolina. Subsequently assigned to duties as an Under-Cook,” that Black soldier who fell under his authority was most likely Thomas Haywood, who had been entered onto the H Company roster after enrolling with the 47th Pennsylvania on November 1, 1862.

* Note: This was likely not a pleasant time for Thomas Haywood. One of the duties of his direct superior, Corporal George Albert, was to butcher a shipment of cattle that had just been received by the fort. Both men took on that task on Saturday, February 24—a day that Corporal Albert later described as hot, sultry and plagued by mosquitoes.

Based on Albert’s known history of overt racism, their interpersonal interactions were likely made worse that day by his liberal use of racial epithets, which were a frequent component of the diary entries he had penned during this time—hate speech that has all too often been wrongly attributed to the regiment’s entire membership by some mainstream historians and Civil War enthusiasts without providing actual evidence to back up those claims. There were a considerable number of officers and enlisted members of the 47th Pennsylvania who strongly supported the efforts of President Lincoln and senior federal government military leaders to eradicate the practice of chattel slavery nationwide with at least several members of the regiment known to be members of prominent abolitionist families in Pennsylvania.

Officers’ quarters and parade grounds, interior of Fort Jefferson, Dry Tortugas, Florida, 1898 (U.S. National Park Service and National Archives and Records Administration, public domain).

During this same period, Private Edward Frederick of the 47th Pennsylvania’s K Company was readmitted to the regimental hospital for further treatment of the head wound he had sustained at Pocotaligo. As his condition worsened, his health failed, and he died there late in the evening on February 15 from complications related to an abscess that had developed in his brain. He was subsequently laid to rest on the parade grounds at Fort Jefferson.

In a follow-up report, Post Surgeon Jacob H. Scheetz, M.D., the 47th Pennsylvania’s assistant regimental surgeon, provided these details of the battle wound and treatment that Frederick had endured:

Private Edward Frederick, Co. K, 47th Pennsylvania Vols, was struck by a musket ball at the battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina, October 22, 1862. The ball lodged in the frontal bone and was removed. The wound did well for three weeks when he had a slight attack of erysipelas, which, however, soon subsided under treatment. The wound commenced suppurating freely and small spiculae of bone came away, or were removed, on several occasions. Cephalgia was a constant subject of complaint, which was described as a dull aching sensation. The wound had entirely closed on January 1, 1863, and little complaint made except the pain in the head when he exposed himself to the sun. About the 4th of February he was ordered into the hospital with the following symptoms: headache, pain in back and limbs, anorexia, tongue coated with a heavy white coating, bowels torpid. He had alternate flashes of heat; his pupils slightly dilated; his pulse 75, and of moderate volume. He was blistered on the nape of the neck, and had a cathartic given him, which produced a small passage. Growing prostrate, he was put upon the use of tonics, and opiates at night to promote sleep; without any advantage, however. His mind was clear til [sic] thirty-six hours before death, when his pupils were very much dilated, and he gradually sank into a comatose state until 12 M. [midnight] on the night of the 15th of February when he expired.

Another twelve hours after death: Upon removing the calvarium the membranes of the brain presented no abnormal appearance, except slight congestion immediately beneath the part struck. A slight osseus deposition had taken place in the same vicinity. Upon cutting into the left cerebrum, (anterior lobe) it was found normal, but an incision into the left anterior lobe was followed by a copious discharge of dark colored and very offensive pus, and was lined by a yellowish white membrane which was readily broken up by the fingers. I would also have stated that his inferior extremities were, during the last four days, partially paralyzed.

Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, circa 1861 (public domain).

As Private Frederick’s body was being autopsied, the unceasing routine of fort life continued as members of the regiment went about performing their duties and the USS Cosmopolitan arrived with a new group of prisoners. On February 25, 1863, Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander issued Special Order No. 17:

I. Company commanders are hereby ordered to instruct the chief of detachment in their respective companies to see that all embrasures in the lower tier, both at and between their batteries, are properly closed and bolted immediately after retreat.

II. As the safety of the garrison depends on the carrying out of the above order, they will hold chiefs of detachments accountable for all delinquencies.

In addition, orders were given to company cooks to relocate their operations to bastion C of the fort, which was a much cooler place for them to do their duties—a change that was likely appreciated as much or more by the under-cooks as the higher-ranking cooks who oversaw their grueling work.

This was the first of several initiatives undertaken by Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander who, according to Schmidt, “was having some difficulty in exercising proper control over Fort Jefferson as it related to the Engineering Department and persons in their employ.”

It was his duty to train the garrison, guard the prisoners, and provide the necessary protection for the fort and its environs, a situation fraught with many problems not always understood by other military and non-military personnel on station there. It was during this period that relationships between the various interests began to deteriorate, as overseer George Phillips, temporarily filling in for Engineer Frost, refused the request of Lt. Col. Alexander to have as many engineer workmen removed from the casemates as could be comfortably accommodated inside the barracks outside the walls of the fort. Phillips lost the argument and the quarters were vacated, but the tone of the several letters exchanged between the two commands left much to be desired. Differences were aired concerning occupations of the prisoners and their possible use by the engineers; the amount of water used by the workmen as Alexander limited them to one gallon per day per man; Engineer Frost arriving and reclaiming for his department the central Kitchen, and another kitchen near it that had been used by Capt. Woodruff and others; stagnant water in the ditches which involved the post surgeon [Jacob H. Scheetz, M.D.] in the controversy; uncovering of the ‘cistern trap holes’ located in the floors of the first or lower tier, which allowed the water supplies to become contaminated; who exercised jurisdiction over the schooner Tortugas of the Engineering Department; depredations of wood belonging to the engineers; and many other conflicts….

Around this same time, Corporal George Nichols, who had piloted the Confederate steamer, the Governor Milton, behind Union lines after it had been captured by members of the 47th’s Companies E and K in October, was assigned once again to engineering duties—this time at Fort Jefferson—but he was not happy about it, according to a letter he wrote to family and friends:

So I am detailed on Special duty again as Engineer. I cannot See in this I did not Enlist as an Engineer. But I get Extra Pay for it but I do not like it. So I must get the condencer redy [sic, condenser ready] to condece [sic, condense] fresh water. Get her redy [ready] and no tools to do it with.

Corporal Nichols’ reassignment was made possible when the contingent of 47th Pennsylvanians at Fort Jefferson was strengthened with the transfer there of members of Companies E and G from Fort Taylor on February 28. That same day, the men of F Company received additional training with both light and heavy artillery at the fort while the men from K Company gained more direct experience with the installation’s seacoast guns. In addition, members of the regiment finally received the six months of back pay they were owed.

Rev. William DeWitt Clinton Rodrock, chaplain, 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, Fort Jefferson, Dry Tortugas, Florida, 1863 (courtesy of Robert Champlin, used with permission).

It was also during this latest phase of duty that Regimental Chaplain William DeWitt Clinton Rodrock was transferred from Fort Taylor to Fort Jefferson—possibly to render spiritual comfort after what had been a brutal month in terms of hospitalizations. Among the seventy members of the 47th Pennsylvania who had been admitted to the post’s hospital in the Dry Tortugas were fifty-four men with dysentery and/or diarrhea, four men with remittent or bilious remittent fevers, three men suffering from catarrh, one man who had contracted typhoid fever, one man who had contracted tuberculosis and was suffering from the resulting wasting away syndrome known as phthisis, and three men suffering from diseases of the eye (two with nyctalopia, also known as night blindness, and one with cataracts).

One of the additional challenges faced by the men stationed in the Dry Tortugas (albeit a less serious one) was that there was no camp sutler available to them at Fort Jefferson, as there was for the 47th Pennsylvanians who were stationed at Fort Taylor. So, it was more difficult, if not impossible, to obtain their favorite foods, replacements for worn-out clothing, tobacco, and other items not furnished by the quartermasters of the Union Army—making their lives more miserable with each passing day as they depleted the care packages that had been sent to them by their families during the holidays.

Stationed farther from home than they had ever been, they could see no end in sight for the devastating war that had torn their nation apart.

 

Sources:

  1. Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
  2. Florida’s Role in the Civil War: ‘Supplier of the Confederacy.’ Tampa, Florida: Florida Center for Instructional Technology, College of Education, University of South Florida, retrieved online January 15, 2020.
  3. Holder, Emily. At the Dry Tortugas During the War.” San Francisco, California: Californian Illustrated Magazine, 1892 (part four, retrieved online, March 28, 2024, courtesy of Lit2Go, the website of the Educational Technology Clearinghouse at the Florida Center for Instructional Technology, College of Education, University of South Florida).
  4. History: Crops (Historic Florida Barge Canal Trail).” Historical Marker Database, retrieved online December 30, 2023.
  5. Malcom, Corey. Emancipation at Key West,” in “The 20th of May: The History and Heritage of Florida’s Emancipation Day Digital History Project.” St. Petersburg, Florida: Florida Humanities, retrieved online March 28, 2024.
  6. Owsley, Frank Lawrence, and Harriet Fason Chappell. King Cotton Diplomacy: Foreign Relations of the Confederate States of America. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, 1959.
  7. Preventing Diplomatic Recognition of the Confederacy, 1861–1865,” and The Alabama Claims, 1862–1872,” in “Milestones: 1861–1865.” Washington, D.C.: Office of the Historian, Foreign Service Institute, United States Department of State, retrieved online December 30, 2023.
  8. Schmidt, Lewis G. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
  9. Staubach, Lieutenant Colonel James C. Miami During the Civil War: 1861-65, in Tequesta: The Journal of the Historical Association of Southern Florida, vol. LIII, pp. 31-62. Miami, Florida: Historical Museum of Southern Florida, 1993.
  10. Wharton, Henry D. Letters from the Sunbury Guards. Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American, 1861-1868.