“He was a snare drummer in the Allentown band for more than forty years, was one of the organizers and an instructor of the famous First Ward drum corps. He was also connected with the Eureka Orchestra, and with many other musical organizations of this city and the surrounding territory, both an instructor and player.” 

— The Morning Call, Allentown, Pennsylvania

 

Formative Years

Born in Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania on 8 December 1840, William N. Smith was a son of Jeremiah Smith (1800-1865; alternate birth year: 1806), who was “one of the pioneer shoemakers of Allentown,” according to The Allentown Democrat, and Henrietta (Horn) Smith (1801-1866). His father’s shoemaking business was located at 633 Hamilton Street in Allentown for many years (a site that was later home to the F. and W. Grand Store).

In 1850, William N. Smith resided in the Borough of Allentown with his parents and siblings: May Smith, who had been born circa 1834; Samuel Smith, who had been born circa 1837; and Jacob Smith, who had been born circa 1845. Also living with the Smith family that year was William Mench, a nineteen-year-old shoemaker who would later serve with William N. Smith in the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry during the American Civil War.

On the ninth of June in 1860, a federal census enumerator confirmed that William N. Smith was still residing at the home of his parents, Jeremiah and Henrietta Smith, and that Jeremiah and William were shoemakers, as was William’s younger brother, Jacob. Also still living at home was William’s brother, Samuel Smith, who was employed as a printer. In addition, Catharine Moyer, a twenty-year-old seamstress, and Sarah Smith, an eighteen-year-old servant, also resided with the Smith family. Their lives were clearly comfortable ones by the standards of the times. William’s father had amassed personal property and real estate that was valued at eight thousand one hundred dollars (the equivalent of roughly three hundred and fifteen thousand U.S. dollars in 2025).

Sometime after that federal census in June 1860, William N. Smith wed fellow Allentonian Mary A. Moyer (1843-1904), who was a daughter of Jonathan Moyer. After settling in Allentown, they then welcomed the birth of their first-born child, William E. Smith (1861-1935), who made his appearance on 17 July 1861, would later wed Jenny Nonnemacher (1862-1940) and would become the first manager of the Allentown office of the Bell Telephone Company of Pennsylvania.

But their bright futures dimmed as their nation descended into the darkness of a secession crisis and then civil war.

American Civil War

In response to President Abraham Lincoln’s calls for volunteers to help bring the growing American Civil War to an end, William N. Smith enrolled for military service in Allentown, Pennsylvania on 11 September 1861. He then officially mustered in at Camp Curtin in Harrisburg, Dauphin County on 18 September 1864 as a drummer at the rank of field musician with Company G of the newly-formed 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry.

Military records at the time described him as a twenty-one-year-old shoe cutter who resided in Lehigh County and was five feet, five inches tall with dark hair, gray eyes and a light complexion.

Company G was initially led by Charles Mickley, a miller and merchant who was a native of Mickleys near Whitehall Township in Lehigh County, Pennsylvania. After recruiting the men who would form the 47th Pennsylvania’s G Company, Charles Mickley had personally mustered in for duty as a corporal with the 47th Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry on 18 September 1861, and was then promptly commissioned as a captain and given command of Company G that same day. Also on that day, Charles A. Henry was made Company G’s second lieutenant, and John J. Goebel was commissioned as G Company’s first lieutenant. The remainder of Company G — ninety-five men — also enrolled and mustered in that same day; by the next month, the roster numbered ninety-eight — a figure that would hold until 1862. By the time the Civil War ended in 1865, a total of one hundred and ninety-five men would ultimately serve with G Company, including Thomas B. Leisenring, who would go on to become the company’s captain.

* Note: Roughly two weeks before William N. Smith’s enlistment with the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers, William Mench had officially mustered in for duty with Company I of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry on 30 August 1861. Mench, a shoemaker who had previously worked for William Smith’s father in 1850, had also lived at the Smith family’s home in 1850.

Following a brief light infantry training period at Camp Curtin, Drummer William N. Smith and his company were sent by train with the 47th Pennsylvania to Washington, D.C., where they were stationed at “Camp Kalorama” on the Kalorama Heights near Georgetown, about two miles from the White House, beginning 21 September. Henry Wharton, a field musician (drummer) with the regiment’s C Company, penned an update the next day to his hometown newspaper, the Sunbury American:

“After a tedious ride we have, at last, safely arrived at the City of ‘magnificent distances.’ We left Harrisburg on Friday last at 1 o’clock A.M. and reached this camp yesterday (Saturday) at 4 P.M., as tired and worn out a sett [sic] of mortals as can possibly exist. On arriving at Washington we were marched to the ‘Soldiers Retreat,’ a building purposely erected for the benefit of the soldier, where every comfort is extended to him and the wants of the ‘inner man’ supplied.

“After partaking of refreshments we were ordered into line and marched, about three miles, to this camp. So tired were the men, that on marching out, some gave out, and had to leave the ranks, but J. Boulton Young, our ‘little Zouave,’ stood it bravely, and acted like a veteran. So small a drummer is scarcely seen in the army, and on the march through Washington he was twice the recipient of three cheers.

“We were reviewed by Gen. McClellan yesterday [21 September 1861] without our knowing it. All along the march we noticed a considerable number of officers, both mounted and on foot; the horse of one of the officers was so beautiful that he was noticed by the whole regiment, in fact, so wrapt [sic] up were they in the horse, the rider wasn’t noticed, and the boys were considerably mortified this morning on dis-covering they had missed the sight of, and the neglect of not saluting the soldier next in command to Gen. Scott.

“Col. Good, who has command of our regiment, is an excellent man and a splendid soldier. He is a man of very few words, and is continually attending to his duties and the wants of the Regiment.

“…. Our Regiment will now be put to hard work; such as drilling and the usual business of camp life, and the boys expect and hope for an occasional ‘pop’ at the enemy.”

On 24 September 1861, the members of Company G and their fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers officially mustered in with the U.S. Army. Three days later, on 27 September, a rainy, drill-free day which permitted many of the men to read or write letters home, the 47th Pennsylvanians were assigned to the 3rd Brigade of Brigadier-General Isaac Ingalls Stevens. By that afternoon, they were on the move again, headed for the Potomac River’s eastern side where, upon arriving at Camp Lyon in Maryland, they were ordered to march double-quick over a chain bridge and off toward Falls Church, Virginia.

Arriving at Camp Advance at dusk, the men pitched their tents in a deep ravine about two miles from the bridge they had just crossed, near a new federal military facility under construction (Fort Ethan Allen), which was also located near the headquarters of Brigadier-General William Farrar Smith (nicknamed “Baldy”), the commander of the Union’s massive Army of the Potomac (“Mr. Lincoln’s Army”). Armed with Mississippi rifles supplied by the Keystone State, their job was to help defend the nation’s capital.

While all of that was unfolding, however, Drummer William N. Smith and three of his fellow G Company soldiers, Private George Heppler, Private Allen David Wolf, and Corporal Jacob Peter Worman, were having their own “adventure.” According to Private Wolf:

“Our regiment went in 1861 from Harrisburg to Washington where we were encamped just outside the city limits. It was our dream to see Lincoln. Accordingly one day the four of us secured a pass to go into the city, but the time set for our return was 5 o’clock. We were all young fellows — I was seventeen years of age — and thrown into a new world. Everything seemed so wonderful to us and so different from Allentown. We were enjoying our holiday immensely, when some one suggested that we try to see President Lincoln. We had heard so much about this great man and when the matter was suggested we were all agreed.

“Let me tell you, however, that to start out to see the president and to actually see him in those days was [sic] two different things. Little did we dream of the difficulties that we would encounter. We started for the White House and arrived in due time. We got into the green room, where a negro servant met us and asked us our business. We told him that we were young soldiers from Pennsylvania and were very eager to see the president. The black man retired and returned a few moments later with the message that the president was very busy and could not see us at that time. We were disappointed, of course.

“We walked around the city for about an hour, but we were not satisfied. The disappointment over our failure to see the president weighed heavily on our minds. It was then that we determined to make another effort to have our ambition gratified and presented ourselves at the White House again. The negro servant recognized us and laughed when he saw us. We prevailed upon him to see the president and to find out whether we couldn’t see him. The negro again went up stairs and returned with the message that the president was still busy. We went away the second time disappointed.

“Again we walked about the city. Nothing seemed to interest us, however. We nursed our disappointment as best we could, but we simply could not rid ourselves of the desire to see the president. At four o’clock in the afternoon we determined to make a final effort. Again we ascended the White House steps and again we were met by our negro friend…. He consented to intercede for us and went up stairs. A few moments later the president came down the stairway. We were standing at the bottom. There was a kindly, patient smile on his face. He greeted us cordially, shook each by the hand and said: ‘Boys, you are young soldiers. Be good and above all obey your commander.’ With that he retired. We were satisfied and went away brimful of happiness and patriotism.”

Their mission to shake President Lincoln’s hand accomplished, Drummer William N. Smith and his friends had a second mission to accomplish in late September of 1861 — to make it back to their regiment’s encampment, safely and quickly — because the pass that they had received from one of their superior officers was about to expire.

But their new mission would prove to be even more difficult than had their successful White House meeting with President Lincoln. According to The Allentown Democrat:

“It was growing late in the afternoon when the young soldiers left the White House and they made tracks for the camp. What followed can best be told in Mr. Wolf’s own words:

‘When we got to the point where our regiment had been encamped in the morning we saw nothing but strange faces. We asked for Company G, and were directed to a point. When we came there we found that during our absence the Forty-seventh had been ordered to move and a Wisconsin regiment was encamped there. We decided to return to the city [Washington, D.C.] and in due time fell into the hands of the patrol. We showed our pass and were sent to the headquarters of General McClellan. The general met us personally. We told him of our predicament and he told us that our regiment was now encamped in a different location. He directed us to cross the chain bridge. The general also informed us that a wagon train would go that way and that we should follow it. We did as he instructed us to do. What a march that was, however! It was raining all night and we were drenched to the skin by the time we reached our regiment. But we felt amply repaid. We had seen the greatest man in the country and had spoken to General McClellan.'”

Their inability to locate their regiment’s camp is more easily understood when reading a letter penned on 29 September by Company C Musician Henry Wharton, in which he informed readers of the Sunbury American that the 47th Pennsylvania had changed camps three times in three days:

“On Friday last we left Camp Kalorama, and the same night encamped about one mile from the Chain Bridge on the opposite side of the Potomac from Washington. The next morning, Saturday, we were ordered to this Camp [Camp Advance near Fort Ethan Allen, Virginia], one and a half miles from the one we occupied the night previous. I should have mentioned that we halted on a high hill (on our march here) at the Chain Bridge, called Camp Lyon, but were immediately ordered on this side of the river. On the route from Kalorama we were for two hours exposed to the hardest rain I ever experienced. Whew, it was a whopper; but the fellows stood it well – not a murmur – and they waited in their wet clothes until nine o’clock at night for their supper. Our Camp adjoins that of the N.Y. 79th (Highlanders.)….

“We had not been in this Camp more than six hours before our boys were supplied with twenty rounds of ball and cartridge, and ordered to march and meet the enemy; they were out all night and got back to Camp at nine o’clock this morning, without having a fight. They are now in their tents taking a snooze preparatory to another march this morning…. I don’t know how long the boys will be gone, but the orders are to cook two days’ rations and take it with them in their haversacks….

“There was a nice little affair came off at Lavensville [sic, Lewinsville], a few miles from here on Wednesday last; our troops surprised a party of rebels (much larger than our own.) killing ten, took a Major prisoner, and captured a large number of horses, sheep and cattle, besides a large quantity of corn and potatoes, and about ninety six [sic] tons of hay. A very nice day’s work. The boys are well, in fact, there is no sickness of any consequence at all in our Regiment.”

Sometime during this phase of duty, as part of the 3rd Brigade, the 47th Pennsylvanians were moved to a site they initially christened “Camp Big Chestnut” in reference to a large chestnut tree located nearby. The site would eventually become known to the Keystone Staters as “Camp Griffin,” and was located roughly ten miles from Washington, D.C. While en route, according to historian Lewis Schmidt, “Pvt. Reuben Wetzel, a forty-six-year-old cook in Capt. Mickley’s Company G,” climbed up on a horse that was pulling his company’s wagon while his regiment was engaged in a march from Fort Ethan Allen to Camp Griffin (both in Virginia). When the regiment arrived at a deep ditch, “the horses lost their footing and the wagon overturned and plunged into the ditch, with ‘the old man, wagon, and horses, under everything.’”

Pageantry and Hard Work

As a field musician for Company G, Drummer William N. Smith was required to learn, practice and perfect a number of drum cadences that were used to convey the directions of his company’s commanding officers to the company’s members. According to Civil War historian Michael Aubrecht:

“Each drummer was required to play variations of the 26 rudiments. The rudiment that meant attack was a long roll. The rudiment for assembly was a series of flams while the rudiments for drummers call were a mixture of flams and rolls. The rudiment for simple cadence was open beating with a flam repeat. Additional requirements included the double stroke roll, paradiddles, flamadiddles, flam accents, flamacues, ruffs, single and double drags, ratamacues, and sextuplets….

“Military drums were usually about 18” deep prior to the Civil War. Then they were shortened to 12”-14” deep and 16” in diameter in order to accommodate younger (and shorter) drummers. Ropes were joined all around the drum and were manually tightened to create tension that stiffened the drum head, making it playable. The drums were hung low from leather straps, necessitating the use of the traditional grip. Regulation drumsticks were usually made from rosewood and were 16”-17” in length. Ornamental paintings were very common for Civil War drums which often displayed pictures of Union eagles and Confederate shields.

“…. The shells were usually made of ash, maple or similar pliable woods. Wooden hoops were used to reinforce the drum which was “tuned” by adjusting ropes that crisscrossed around the shell and provided tension on calfskin or sheepskin heads. The four strand snare was constructed from a bronze hoop-mounted strainer with a leather anchor.”

On 11 October 1861, Drummer William N. Smith and his fellow field musicians were able to display their special skills as the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged in a grand review of Union Army troops at Bailey’s Cross Roads. In a letter that was written to family back home around this same time, Captain John Peter Shindel Gobin (the leader of C Company who would be promoted in 1864 to head the entire 47th Regiment) reported that companies D, A, C, F and I (the 47th Pennsylvania’s right wing) were ordered to picket duty after the left-wing companies (B, G, K, E, and H) had been forced to return to camp by Confederate troops. In his letter of 13 October, Henry Wharton described their duties, as well as their new home:

“The location of our camp is fine and the scenery would be splendid if the view was not obstructed by heavy thickets of pine and innumerable chesnut [sic] trees. The country around us is excellent for the Rebel scouts to display their bravery; that is, to lurk in the dense woods and pick off one of our unsuspecting pickets. Last night, however, they (the Rebels) calculated wide of their mark; some of the New York 33d boys were out on picket; some fourteen or fifteen shots were exchanged, when our side succeeded in bringing to the dust, (or rather mud,) an officer and two privates of the enemy’s mounted pickets. The officer was shot by a Lieutenant in Company H [?], of the 33d.

“Our own boys have seen hard service since we have been on the ‘sacred soil.’ One day and night on picket, next day working on entrenchments at the Fort, (Ethan Allen.) another on guard, next on march and so on continually, but the hardest was on picket from last Thursday morning ‘till Saturday morning – all the time four miles from camp, and both of the nights the rain poured in torrents, so much so that their clothes were completely saturated with the rain. They stood it nobly – not one complaining; but from the size of their haversacks on their return, it is no wonder that they were satisfied and are so eager to go again tomorrow. I heard one of them say ‘there was such nice cabbage, sweet and Irish potatoes, turnips, &c., out where their duty called them, and then there was a likelihood of a Rebel sheep or young porker advancing over our lines and then he could take them as ‘contraband’ and have them for his own use.’ When they were out they saw about a dozen of the Rebel cavalry and would have had a bout with them, had it not been for…unlucky circumstance – one of the men caught the hammer of his rifle in the strap of his knapsack and caused his gun to fire; the Rebels heard the report and scampered in quick time….”

On Friday morning, 22 October, the 47th engaged in a divisional review, described by historian Lewis Schmidt as massing “about 10,000 infantry, 1000 cavalry, and twenty pieces of artillery all in one big open field.” In late October, according to Schmidt, the men from Companies B, G and H woke at 3 a.m., assembled a day’s worth of rations, marched four miles from camp, and took over picket duties from the 49th New York:

“Company B was stationed in the vicinity of a Mrs. Jackson’s house, with Capt. Kacy’s Company H on guard around the house. The men of Company B had erected a hut made of fence rails gathered around an oak tree, in front of which was the house and property, including a persimmon tree whose fruit supplied them with a snack. Behind the house was the woods were the Rebels had been fired on last Wednesday morning while they were chopping wood there.”

In his letter of 17 November, Henry Wharton revealed still more details about life at Camp Griffin:

“This morning our brigade was out for inspection; arms, accoutrements [sic], clothing, knapsacks, etc, all were out through a thorough examination, and if I must say it myself, our company stood best, A No. 1, for cleanliness. We have a new commander to our Brigade, Brigadier General Brannen [sic], of the U.S. Army, and if looks are any criterion, I think he is a strict disciplinarian and one who will be as able to get his men out of danger as he is willing to lead them to battle….

“The boys have plenty of work to do, such as piquet [sic] duty, standing guard, wood-chopping, police duty and day drill; but then they have the most substantial food; our rations consist of fresh beef (three times a week) pickled pork, pickled beef, smoked pork, fresh bread, daily, which is baked by our own bakers, the Quartermaster having procured portable ovens for that purpose, potatoes, split peas, beans, occasionally molasses and plenty of good coffee, so you see Uncle Sam supplies us plentifully….

“A few nights ago our Company was out on piquet [sic]; it was a terrible night, raining very hard the whole night, and what made it worse, the boys had to stand well to their work and dare not leave to look for shelter. Some of them consider they are well paid for their exposure, as they captured two ancient muskets belonging to Secessia. One of them is of English manufacture, and the other has the Virginia militia mark on it. They are both in a dilapidated condition, but the boys hold them in high estimation as they are trophies from the enemy, and besides they were taken from the house of Mrs. Stewart, sister to the rebel Jackson who assassinated the lamented Ellsworth at Alexandria. The honorable lady, Mrs. Stewart, is now a prisoner at Washington and her house is the headquarters of the command of the piquets [sic]….

“Since the success of the secret expedition, we have all kinds of rumors in camp. One is that our Brigade will be sent to the relief of Gen. Sherman, in South Carolina. The boys all desire it and the news in the ‘Press’ is correct, that a large force is to be sent there, I think their wish will be gratified.”

On 21 November, the 47th participated in a morning divisional headquarters review that was overseen by Colonel Tilghman Good, followed by brigade and division drills all afternoon. According to Schmidt, “each man was supplied with ten blank cartridges.” Afterward, “Gen. Smith requested Gen. Brannan to inform Col. Good that the 47th was the best regiment in the whole division.”

As a reward — and in preparation for bigger things to come, Brigadier-General John Milton Brannan obtained brand new Springfield rifles for every member of the 47th Pennsylvania.

1862

Next ordered to move from their Virginia encampment back to Maryland, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers the left Camp Griffin at 8:30 a.m. on Wednesday, 22 January 1862. Marching through deep mud with their equipment for three miles in order to reach the railroad station at Falls Church, they were then moved by rail to Alexandria, Virginia, where they boarded the steamship City of Richmond. Transported via the Potomac River to the Washington Arsenal, they were reequipped before they were marched off for dinner and rest at the Soldiers’ Retreat in Washington, D.C.

The next afternoon, they hopped aboard cars on the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and headed for Annapolis, Maryland. Arriving around 10 p.m., they were assigned quarters in barracks at the United States Naval Academy. They then spent that Friday through Monday (24-27 January 1862) loading their equipment and other supplies onto the steamship Oriental.

Ferried to the Oriental by smaller steamers during the afternoon of 27 January 1862, the enlisted members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry commenced boarding the big steamship, followed by their officers. Then, per the directive of Brigadier-General Brannan, the Oriental steamed away for the Deep South at 4 p.m. and headed for Florida which, despite its secession from the Union, remained strategically important to the Union due to the presence of Forts Taylor and Jefferson in Key West and the Dry Tortugas.

In early February 1862, Drummer William N. Smith and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers arrived in Key West, Florida, where they were assigned to garrison Fort Taylor. During the weekend of Friday, 14 February, the regiment introduced itself to Key West residents as it paraded through the streets of the city. That Sunday, a number of the men from the regiment mingled with local residents at area church services.

Drilling daily in heavy artillery tactics and other military strategies, they felled trees, built new roads and helped to strengthen the facility’s fortifications. But there were lighter moments as well.

According to a letter penned by Henry Wharton on 27 February 1862, the regiment commemorated the birthday of former U.S. President George Washington with a parade, a special ceremony involving the reading of Washington’s farewell address to the nation (first delivered in 1796), the firing of cannon at the fort, and a sack race and other games on 22 February. The festivities resumed two days later when the 47th Pennsylvania’s Regimental Band hosted an officers’ ball at which “all parties enjoyed themselves, for three o’clock of the morning sounded on their ears before any motion was made to move homewards.” This was then followed by a concert by the Regimental Band on Wednesday evening, 26 February.

As the 47th Pennsylvanians soldiered on, many were realizing that they were operating in an environment that was far more challenging than what they had experienced to date — and in an area where the water quality was frequently poor. That meant that disease would now be their constant companion — an unseen foe that would continue to claim the lives of multiple members of the regiment during this phase of duty — if they weren’t careful.

Next ordered to Hilton Head, South Carolina from mid-June through July, the 47th Pennsylvanians camped near Fort Walker before relocating to the Beaufort District, Department of the South, roughly thirty-five miles away. Frequently assigned to hazardous picket detail north of their main camp, which put them at increased risk from enemy sniper fire, the members of the 47th Pennsylvania became known for their “attention to duty, discipline and soldierly bearing,” and “received the highest commendation from Generals Hunter and Brannan,” according to historian Samuel P. Bates.

Detachments from the regiment were also assigned to the Expedition to Fenwick Island (9 July) and the Demonstration against Pocotaligo (10 July), while men from Companies B and H “crossed the Coosaw River at the Port Royal Ferry and drove off the Rebel pickets before returning ‘home’ without a loss,” according to Schmidt. The actions were the Union’s response to the burning by Confederate troops of the ferry house at Port Royal.

Saint John’s Bluff and the Capture of a Confederate Steamer

During a return expedition to Florida beginning 30 September, Drummer William N. Smith and his fellow 47th Pennsylvanians joined with the 1st Connecticut Battery, 7th Connecticut Infantry, and part of the 1st Massachusetts Cavalry in assaulting Confederate forces at their heavily protected camp at Saint John’s Bluff, overlooking the Saint John’s River area. Trekking and skirmishing through roughly twenty-five miles of dense swampland and forests after disembarking from ships at Mayport Mills on 1 October, they subsequently captured artillery and ammunition stores (on 3 October) that had been abandoned by Confederate forces during a bombardment of the bluff by Union gunboats.

According to Henry Wharton, “On the day following our occupation of these works the guns were dismounted and removed on board the steamer Neptune, together with the shot and shell, and removed to Hilton Head. The powder was all used in destroying the batteries.”

Meanwhile that same weekend (Friday and Saturday, 3-4 October 1862), Brigadier-General Brannan, who was quartered on board the Ben Deford as the Union expedition’s commanding officer, was busy penning reports to his superiors while also planning the next move of his expeditionary force. That Saturday, Brannan chose several officers to direct their subordinates to prepare rations and ammunition for a new foray that would take them roughly twenty miles upriver to Jacksonville. (A sophisticated hub of cultural and commercial activities with a racially diverse population of more than two thousand residents, the city had repeatedly changed hands between the Union and Confederacy until its occupation by Union forces on 12 March 1862.) Among the Union soldiers selected for this mission were 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers from Company C, Company E and Company K.

Boarding the Union gunboat Darlington (formerly a Confederate steamer), they moved upriver, along the Saint John’s, with protection from the Union gunboat Hale, ultimately traveling a distance of two hundred miles. Charged with locating and capturing Confederate ships that had been engaged in furnishing troops, ammunition and other supplies to Confederate Army units scattered throughout the region, including the batteries at Saint John’s Bluff and Yellow Bluff, they played a key role in capturing the Governor Milton, a Confederate steamer that was docked near Hawkinsville.

Integration of the Regiment

The 47th Pennsylvania also made history during the month of October 1862 as it became an integrated regiment, adding to its muster rolls several Black men who had escaped chattel enslavement from plantations near Beaufort, South Carolina. Among the formerly enslaved men who enlisted at this time were Bristor Gethers, Abraham Jassum and Edward Jassum.

Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina

From 21-23 October 1862, under the brigade and regimental commands of Colonel Tilghman Good and Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers joined with other Union troops in engaging heavily protected Confederate forces in and around Pocotaligo, South Carolina, including at the Frampton Plantation and the Pocotaligo Bridge, a key piece of railroad infrastructure that senior Union military leaders felt should be eliminated.

Harried by snipers while en route to destroy the bridge, they also met resistance from Confederate artillerymen who opened fire as they entered an open cotton field.

Those headed toward higher ground at the Frampton Plantation fared no better as they encountered rifle and cannon fire from the surrounding forests. But the Union soldiers would not give in. Grappling with Rebel troops wherever they found them, they pursued them for four miles as the Confederate Army retreated to the bridge. Once there, the 47th Pennsylvania relieved the 7th Connecticut.

The engagement proved to be a costly one for the 47th Pennsylvania, however, with multiple members of the regiment killed instantly or so grievously wounded that they died the next day or within weeks of the battle. Among those killed in action was Captain Charles Mickley of Company G; one of the mortally wounded was K Company Captain George Junker.

Following the 47th Pennsylvania’s return to Hilton Head on 23 October, members of the regiment mourned their lost friends and attempted to heal from the physical and mental trauma they had sustained. A week later, several 47th Pennsylvanians were called upon to serve as the funeral honor guard for Major-General Ormsby M. Mitchel, commander of the U.S. Army’s Tenth Corps (X Corps) and Department of the South, who died from yellow fever on 30 October.

Having been ordered back to Key West on 15 November 1862, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers would spend the coming year guarding federal installations in Florida. Companies A, B, C, E, G, and I would once again garrison Fort Taylor in Key West, while the men from Companies D, F, H, and K would garrison Fort Jefferson, the Union’s remote outpost in the Dry Tortugas off the southern coast of Florida.

After packing their belongings at their Beaufort, South Carolina encampment and loading their equipment onto the U.S. Steamer Cosmopolitan, the officers and enlisted members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry sailed toward the mouth of the Broad River on 15 December 1862, and anchored briefly at Port Royal Harbor in order to allow the regiment’s medical director, Elisha W. Baily, M.D., and members of the regiment who had recuperated enough from their Pocotaligo-related battle injuries at the Union’s general hospital at Hilton Head, to rejoin the regiment.

At 5 p.m. that same evening, the regiment sailed for Florida, during what was described by several members of the 47th as a treacherous and nerve-wracking voyage. According to historian Lewis Schmidt, the ship’s captain “steered a course along the coast of Florida for most of the voyage,” which made the voyage more precarious “because of all the reefs.” On 16 December, “the second night, the ship was jarred as it ran aground on one during a storm, but broke free, and finally steered a course further from shore, out in the Gulf Stream.”

In a letter penned to the Sunbury American on 21 December, Company C soldier Henry Wharton provided the following details about the regiment’s trip:

“On the passage down, we ran along almost the whole coast of Florida. Rather all dangerous ground, and the reefs are no playthings. We were jarred considerably by running on one, and not liking the sensation our course was altered for the Gulf Stream. We had heavy sea all the time. I had often heard of ‘waves as big as a house,’ and thought it was a sailors yarn, but I have seen ’em and am perfectly satisfied; so now, not having a nautical turn of mind, I prefer our movements being done on terra firma, and leave old neptune to those who have more desire for his better acquaintance. A nearer chance of a shipwreck never took place than ours, and it was only through Providence that we were saved. The Cosmopolitan is a good riverboat, but to send her to sea, loadened [sic, loaded] with U.S. troops is a shame, and looks as though those in authority wish to get clear of soldiers in another way than that of battle. There was some sea sickness on our passage; several of the boys ‘casting up their accounts’ on the wrong side of the ledger.”

According to Corporal George Nichols of Company E, “When we got to Key West the Steamer had Six foot of water in her hole [sic, hold]. Waves Mountain High and nothing but an old river Steamer. With Eleven hundred Men on I looked for her to go to the Bottom Every Minute.”

Although the Cosmopolitan arrived at Key West Harbor on Thursday, 18 December, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers did not set foot on Florida soil until noon the next day. The men from Companies C and I were immediately marched to Fort Taylor, while the men from Companies B and E were assigned to older barracks that had previously been erected by the U.S. Army. Members of Companies A and G were marched to the newer “Lighthouse Barracks” located on “Lighthouse Key.”

On Saturday, 21 December, Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, the regiment’s second-in-command, sailed away aboard the Cosmopolitan with the men from Companies D, F, H, and K, and headed south to Fort Jefferson, roughly seventy miles off the coast of Florida (in the Gulf of Mexico) to assume garrison duties there. According to Musician Henry Wharton:

“We landed here [Fort Taylor] on last Thursday at noon, and immediately marched to quarters. Company I. and C., in Fort Taylor, Company E. and B. in the old Barracks, and A. and G. in the new Barracks. Lieut. Col. Alexander, with the other four companies proceeded to Tortugas, Col. Good having command of all the forces in and around Key West. Our regiment relieved the 90th Regiment N. Y. Vols. Col. Joseph Morgan, who will proceed to Hilton Head to report to the General commanding. His actions have been severely criticized by the people, but, as it is in bad taste to say anything against ones superiors, I merely mention, judging from the expression of the citizens, they were very glad of the return of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers.”

1863

Stationed in Florida for the entire year of 1863, Drummer William N. Smith and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were literally ordered to “hold the fort.” Their primary duty was to prevent foreign powers from assisting the Confederate Army and Navy in gaining control over federal installations and other territories across the Deep South. In addition, the regiment was also called upon to play an ongoing role in weakening Florida’s ability to supply and transport food and troops throughout areas held by the Confederate States of America.

Prior to intervention by the Union Army and Navy, the owners of plantations, livestock ranches and fisheries, as well as the operators of smaller family farms across Florida, had been able to consistently furnish beef and pork, fish, fruits, and vegetables to Confederate troops stationed throughout the Deep South during the first year of the American Civil War. Large herds of cattle were raised near Fort Myers, for example, while orchard owners in the Saint John’s River area were actively engaged in cultivating sizeable orange groves. (Other types of citrus trees were found growing throughout more rural areas of the state.)

Florida was also a major producer of salt, which was used as a preservative for food. Consequently, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers and other Union troops across Florida were ordered to capture or destroy salt manufacturing plants in order to further curtail the enemy’s access to food.

But once again, they were performing their duties in often dangerous conditions. The weather was frequently hot and humid as spring turned to summer, mosquitos and other insects were an ever-present annoyance (and a serious threat when they were carrying tropical diseases), and there were also scorpions and snakes that put the health of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers at further risk. In addition, there was a serious shortage of clean water for drinking and bathing.

Even so, when give the opportunity to re-enlist, the majority of 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers chose to do so.

1864

In early January 1864, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers experienced yet another significant change when members of the regiment were ordered to expand the Union’s reach by sending part of the regiment north to retake Fort Myers, a federal installation that had been abandoned in 1858, following the federal government’s third war with the Seminole Indians. In response, Company A Captain Richard Graeffe and a detachment of his subordinates traveled north, captured the fort and began conducting cattle raids to provide food for the growing Union troop presence across the region. They subsequently turned their fort not only into their base of operations, but into a shelter for pro-Union supporters, escaped slaves, Confederate deserters, and others fleeing Rebel troops.

Red River Campaign

Meanwhile, all of the other companies of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry had begun preparing for the regiment’s history-making journey to Louisiana. Boarding yet another steamer, the Charles Thomas, the men from Companies B, C, D, I, and K headed for Algiers, Louisiana (across the river from New Orleans), followed on 1 March by the men from Companies E, F, G, and H.

Upon the second group’s arrival, the now almost-fully-reunited-regiment moved by train to Brashear City (now Morgan City), before heading to Franklin by steamer through the Bayou Teche. There, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry joined the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division of the 19th Corps (XIX) of the United States’ Army of the Gulf, and became the only regiment from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to serve in the Red River Campaign commanded by Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks. (Unable to reach Louisiana until 23 March, the soldiers from Company A were assigned to detached duty while awaiting transport that enabled them to reconnect with their regiment at Alexandria, Louisiana on 9 April.)

The early days on the ground quickly woke Drummer William N. Smith and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers up to just how grueling their new phase of duty would be. From 14-26 March, most members of the 47th marched for Alexandria and Natchitoches, near the top of the L-shaped state. Among the towns that the 47th Pennsylvanians passed through were New Iberia, Vermilionville (now part of Lafayette), Opelousas, and Washington.

From 4-5 April 1864, the regiment added to its roster of young Black soldiers when Aaron Bullard (later known as Aaron French), James Bullard, John Bullard, Samuel Jones, and Hamilton Blanchard (also known as John Hamilton) enrolled for military service with the 47th Pennsylvania at Natchitoches. According to their respective entries in the Civil War Veterans’ Card File at the Pennsylvania State Archives and on regimental muster rolls, the men were officially mustered into the regiment on 22 June at Morganza, Louisiana. Several of their entries noted that they were assigned the rank of “Colored Cook” while others were given the rank of “Under-Cook.”

Often short on food and water throughout their long, harsh-climate trek, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers encamped briefly at Pleasant Hill (now the Village of Pleasant Hill) the night of 7 April, before continuing on the next day.

Rushed into battle ahead of other regiments in the second division, sixty members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were cut down on 8 April 1864 during the intense volley of fire in the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads (also known as the Battle of Mansfield due to its proximity to the town of Mansfield). The fighting waned only when darkness fell. The exhausted, but uninjured collapsed beside the gravely wounded and dead. After midnight, the surviving Union troops withdrew to Pleasant Hill.

The next day, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were ordered into a critically important defensive position at the far right of the Union lines, their right flank spreading up unto a high bluff. By 3 p.m., after enduring a midday charge by the troops of Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner who was the son of Zachary Taylor, a former president of the United States), the brutal fighting still showed no signs of ending. Suddenly, just as the 47th was shifting to the left side of the Union force, the men of the 47th were forced to bolster the 165th New York’s buckling lines by blocking another Confederate assault.

During that engagement (now known as the Battle of Pleasant Hill), the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers succeeded in recapturing a Massachusetts artillery battery that had been lost during the earlier Confederate assault. Unfortunately, the regiment’s second-in-command, Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, and its two color-bearers, Sergeants Benjamin Walls and William Pyers, were wounded. Alexander sustained wounds to both of his legs, and Walls was shot in the left shoulder as he attempted to mount the 47th Pennsylvania’s colors on caissons that had been recaptured, while Pyers was wounded as he grabbed the flag from Walls to prevent it from falling into Confederate hands.

All three survived the day, however, and continued to serve with the regiment, but many others, like K Company Sergeant Alfred Swoyer, were killed in action during those two days of chaotic fighting, or were wounded so severely that they were unable to continue the fight. (Swoyer’s final words were, “They’re coming nine deep!” Shot in the right temple shortly afterward, his body was never recovered).

Still others were captured by Confederate troops, marched roughly one hundred and twenty-five miles to Camp Ford, a Confederate Army prison camp near Tyler, Texas, and held there as prisoners of war until they were released during a series of prisoner exchanges that began on 22 July and continued through November. At least two members of the regiment never made it out of that prison camp alive; another died at a Confederate hospital in Shreveport.

Meanwhile, as the captured 47th Pennsylvanians were being spirited away to Camp Ford, the bulk of the regiment was carrying out orders from senior Union Army leaders to head for Grand Ecore, Louisiana. Encamped there from 11-22 April, the Union soldiers engaged in the hard labor of strengthening regimental and brigade fortifications.

They then moved back to Natchitoches Parish on 22 April. While they were in route, they were attacked again, this time, at the rear of their retreating brigade, but they were able to end the encounter quickly and move on to reach Cloutierville at 10 p.m. that same night (after a forty-five-mile march).

The next morning (23 April), episodic skirmishing quickly roared into the flames of a robust fight. As part of the advance party led by Union Brigadier-General William Emory, the 47th Pennsylvanians took on the Confederate Cavalry of Brigadier-General Hamilton Bee in the Battle of Cane River (also known as “the affair at Monett’s Ferry” or the “Cane River Crossing”).

Responding to a barrage from the Confederate Artillery’s twenty-pound Parrott guns and from enemy troops positioned atop a bluff and near a bayou, Brigadier-General Emory directed one of his brigades to keep Bee’s Confederate troops busy while sending two other brigades to find a safe spot for the Union’s forces to cross the Cane River. As part of “the beekeepers,” the 47th Pennsylvania supported Smith’s artillery.

Meanwhile, additional troops under Smith’s command attacked Bee’s flank to force a Rebel retreat, and then erected a series of pontoon bridges that enabled the 47th Pennsylvania and other Union regiments to make the Cane River Crossing by the next day. As the Confederates retreated, they torched their own food stores, as well as the cotton supplies of their fellow southerners. In a letter penned from Morganza, C Company Musician Henry Wharton described what had happened:

“Our sojourn at Grand Score was for eleven days, during which time our position was well fortified by entrenchments for a length of five miles, made of heavy logs, five feet high and six feet wide, filled in with dirt. In front of this, trees were felled for a distance of two hundred yards, so that if the enemy attacked we had an open space before us which would enable our forces to repel them and follow if necessary. But our labor seemed to the men as useless, for on the morning of 22d April, the army abandoned these works and started for Alexandria. From our scouts it was ascertained that the enemy had passed some miles to our left with the intention of making a stand against our right at Bayou Cane, where there is a high bluff and dense woods, and at the same attack Smith’s forces who were bringing up the rear. This first day was a hard one for the boys, for at 10 o’clock at night they made Cloutierville, a distance of forty drive miles. On that day our rear was attacked which caused our forces to reverse their front and form in line of battle, expecting too, to go back to the relief of Smith, but he needed no assistance, sending word to the front that he had ‘whipped them, and could do it again.’ It was well that Banks made so long a march on that day, for on the next we found the enemy prepared to carry out their design of attacking us front and rear. Skirmishing commenced early in the morning and as our columns advanced he fell back towards the bayou, when we soon discovered the position of their batteries on the bluff. There was then an artillery duel by the smaller pieces, and some sharp fighting by the cavalry, when the ‘mule battery,’ twenty pound Parrott guns opened a heavy fire, which soon dislodged them, forcing the chivalry to flee in a manner not at all suitable to their boasted courage. Before this one cavalry, the 3d Brigade of the 1st Div., and Birges’ brigade of the second, had crossed the bayou and were doing good service, which, with the other work, made the enemy show their heels. The 3d brigade done some daring deeds in this fight, as also did the cavalry. In one instance the 3d charged up a hill almost perpendicular, driving the enemy back by the bayonet without firing a gun. The woods on this bluff was so thick that the cavalry had to dismount and fight on foot. During the whole of the day, our brigade, the 2d, was supporting artillery, under fire all the time, and could not give Mr. Reb a return shot.

“While we were fighting in front, Smith was engaged some miles in the rear, but he done his part well and drove them back. The rebel commanders thought by attacking us in the rear, and having a large face on the bluffs, they would be able to capture our train and take us all prisoners, but in this they were mistaken, for our march was so rapid that we were on them before they had thrown up the necessary earthworks. Besides they underrated the amount of our artillery, calculating from the number engaged at Pleasant Hill. The rebels say it ‘seems as though the Yankees manufacture, on short notice, artillery to order, and the men are furnished with wings when they wish to make a certain point.’

“The damage done to the Confederate cause by the burning of cotton was immense. On the night of the 22d our route was lighted up for miles and millions of dollars worth if this production was destroyed. This loss will be felt more by Davis & Co., than several defeats in this region, for the basis of the loan in England was on the cotton in Louisiana.

“After the rebels had fled from the bluff the negro troops put down the pontoons, and by ten that night we were six miles beyond the bayou safely encamped. The next morning we moved forward and in two days were in Alexandria. Johnnys followed Smith’s forces, keeping out of range of his guns, except when he had gained the eminence across the bayou, when he punished them (the rebs) severely.”

Having finally reached Alexandria on 26 April, they learned that they would remain at their latest new camp for at least two weeks. Placed temporarily under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bailey, they were assigned yet again to the hard labor of construction work, helping to erect “Bailey’s Dam,” a timber structure that was designed to enable Union gun boats to safely navigate the fluctuating water levels of the Red River. According to Musician Henry Wharton:

“We were at Alexandria seventeen days, during which time the men were kept busy at throwing up earthworks, foraging and three times went out some distance to meet the enemy, but they did not make their appearance in numbers large enough for an engagement. The water in the Red river had fallen so much that it prevented the gun boats from operating with us, and kept our transports from supplying the troops with rations, (and you know soldiers, like other people will eat), so Banks was compelled to relinquish his designs on Shreveport and fall back to the Mississippi. To do this a large dam had to be built on the falls at Alexandria to get the iron clads down the river. After a great deal of labor this was accomplished and by the morning of May 13th the last one was through the shute [sic, chute], when we bade adieu to Alexandria, marching through the town with banners flying and keeping step to the music of ‘Rally around the flag,’ and ‘When this cruel war is over.’ The next morning, at our camping place, the fleet of boats passed us, when we were informed that Alexandria had been destroyed by fire – the act of a dissatisfied citizen and several negroes. Incendiary acts were strictly forbidden in a general order before we left the place, and a cavalry guard was left in the rear to see the order enforced. After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.”

Continuing their march, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers headed toward Avoyelles Parish. According to Wharton:

“On Sunday, May 15th, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance. The windings of the Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad where with the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. — We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed into line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired, and we advanced ’till dark, when the forces halted for the night with orders to rest on their arms. ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.”

“Resting on their arms” (half-dozing, without pitching their tents, and with their rifles right beside them), they were now positioned just outside of Marksville, on the eve of the 16 May 1864 Battle of Mansura, which unfolded as follows, according to Wharton:

“Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, they reached Missoula [sic, Mansura], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic, maneuvering] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic, were] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery. Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain directly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties. The next day we moved to Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the Achafalaya [sic, Atchafalaya] river, where a bridge was made by putting the transports side by side, which enabled the troops and train to pass safely over.– The day before we crossed the rebels attacked Smith, thinking it was but the rear guard, in which they, the graybacks, were awfully cut up, and four hundred prisoners fell into our hands. Our loss in killed and wounded was ninety. This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.

“It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of the army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic, there] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.”

Continuing on, the healthy members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry marched for Simmesport and then Morganza, where they made camp again. While encamped there, the nine formerly enslaved Black men who had enlisted with the regiment in Beaufort, South Carolina (1862) and Natchitoches, Louisiana (1864) were officially mustered into the regiment between 22-24 June.

The regiment then moved on and arrived in New Orleans in late June. On the Fourth of July, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers received orders to return to the East Coast. Three days later, they began loading the regiment and its men onto ships, a process that unfolded in two stages. Companies A, C, D, E, F, H, and I boarded the U.S. Steamer McClellan on 7 July and departed that day, while the members of Companies B, G and K, including Drummer William N. Smith, remained behind, awaiting transport. They subsequently departed aboard the Blackstone, weighing anchor and sailing forth at the end of that month. Arriving in Virginia, on 28 July, the second group reconnected with the first group at Monocacy, having missed an encounter with President Abraham Lincoln and the Battle of Cool Spring at Snicker’s Gap in mid-July (a battle in which the first group of 47th Pennsylvanians had participated).

Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign

Attached to the Middle Military Division, U.S. Army of the Shenandoah, beginning in early August of 1864, and placed under the command of Union Major-General Philip H. Sheridan, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was assigned to defensive duties in and around Halltown, and also engaged over the next several weeks in a series of back-and-forth movements between Halltown, Berryville, Middletown, Charlestown, and Winchester as part of a “mimic war” being waged by Sheridan’s Union forces with those commanded by Confederate Lieutenant-General Jubal Early.

The 47th Pennsylvania then engaged with Confederate forces in the Battle of Berryville from 3-4 September. That would be the last military battle fought by Drummer William N. Smith, however; on 18 September 1864, he was honorably mustered out at Berryville, upon expiration of his original term of service.

Return to Civilian Life

Following his honorable discharge from the military, William N. Smith returned home to his wife, Mary, and their son, William E. Smith, in Allentown, where he and his wife soon welcomed the births of more children: Harry J. Smith (1865-1951), who was born on 6 October 1865, later wed Agnes Muir (1864-1922) and was subsequently elected to the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in November 1920; and Harvey H. C. Smith (1867-1945), who was born on 14 August 1867 and later wed Emma A. Kline (1873-1956).

Employed as a shoemaker in 1870, William N. Smith resided in the Borough of Emmaus in Salisbury Township, Lehigh County with his wife, Mary, and their children: William, Harvey and Harry. Their son, Edmund O. Smith (1870-1919), was subsequently born on 23 June 1870, followed by two daughters: Mary M. Smith (1878-1950), who was born on 23 March 1878, was known to family and friends as “Mamie” or “Mame” and later became an educator in Allentown’s public school system; and Cora Irene Smith (1880-1950), who was born on 6 January 1880. (Mary would later go on to marry Clarence Trout Mock, while Cora would later wed David S. Mertz.)

By the summer of 1880, however, William N. Smith and his wife, Mary, had relocated to Allentown’s Fifth Ward, where he was employed as a shoemaker. Also living with them were their children: William E., who was employed at a shoe factory; Harry, Harvey and Edmund, who were all attending school; and Mary and Cora, who were both still too young to attend school. Once again, more children soon followed: Mabel May Smith (1882-1924), who was born on 27 April 1882 (alternate birth date: 27 May 1882) and was baptized on 1 August 1882; and Robert Samuel Smith (1885-1956), who was born on 10 October 1885 and would later wed fellow Allentonian Alma M. Rhoads (1889-1971), who was a daughter of John H. and Minnie Rhoads. The Smith children were all educated in the public schools of Allentown with most attending the First Class Grammar School, which was located at 5th and Chew Streets in Allentown’s Fifth Ward.

Employed as a shoemaker throughout his life, William N. Smith also remained active musically. According to The Allentown Democrat:

“After his return from the war he became snare drummer in the old Allentown Band and continued to play with that famous organization until several years ago. He was considered one of the most accomplished snare drummers in Eastern Pennsylvania and for years he and his son Edmund, also a snare and trap drummer, marched side by side in the ranks of the band.”

In addition to performing with the renowned and popular Allentown Band, William N. Smith performed with the Eureka Orchestra, played a key role in the founding of Allentown’s First Ward Drum Corps, and taught the rudiments of drumming to percussion students across Pennsylvania’s Lehigh Valley.

Then, sometime around 1888, William N. Smith’s son, Harry Jeremiah Smith, wed Agnes Muir. The newlyweds subsequently welcomed the birth of a son, Raymond Harrison Smith (1888-1963), who was born on 10 November 1888. Despite that moment of joy, however, William N. Smith also experienced pain and frustration due to health issues that kept cropping up long after his service to the nation had ended. According to the 1890 special federal census of Civil War veterans, he had developed “piles” (hemorrhoids), a condition that was likely attributable to the dysentery and chronic diarrhea that had sickened so many of his comrades while stationed in Florida and Louisiana.

Even so, he was determined to remain engaged with civic and social affairs — an objective that he was able to achieve thanks to his love of music and to his membership in the Grand Army of the Republic (G.A.R.) and other fraternal organizations. That year (1890), he performed at the Knights of the Golden Eagle’s ball with the Allentown Band during the evening of 27 November 1890. In addition to playing the snare drum, he also played “the cymbals, bones and triangle,” according to The Allentown Critic. As the tympanist of the Allentown Symphony Orchestra in April of 1896, he performed beside his son, Edmund O. Smith, who played the “side drum and traps,” according to The Allentown Leader. And during the summer of 1897, he literally marched to the home of the Allentown Band’s conductor, Martin Klingler, with the band’s bass drummer John Benhard and fellow snare drummers Ed Bickel and Ben Nuding, to give a rousing tribute to Klingler in recognition of his public election to the position of clerk of the Lehigh County Orphans’ Court. That same year, he also performed as a member of the Allentown Band’s Nuding Sextet.

Even greater moments of acclaim for his service to his commonwealth and country unfolded on 19 October 1899 as William N. Smith and his fellow Allentonians were swept up in the pomp associated with the dedication of the new Lehigh County Soldiers and Sailors Monument. Newspapers reported that a line of anywhere between eight to fifteen thousand business and civic leaders, community bandsmen, fire and police brigades, politicians, school children, soldiers currently serving in the military, and veterans of the American Civil War took part in a dazzling parade with a line of march that stretched for two miles and was witnessed by forty thousand children and adults.

By 1900, William N. Smith had officially left the shoemaking profession behind and had become a full-time professional musician, as had his son, Edmund, according to a federal census enumerator. Living in a rented home at 236 North Tenth Street in Allentown’s Seventh Ward with his wife and Edmund, he was a familiar figure around town due to his frequent performances as a percussionist with the Allentown Band, the Allentown Symphony Orchestra, the Eureka Orchestra, the Windsor Orchestra, and other ensembles. Also residing with him that year were his children: Mary, who was employed as a teacher at an Allentown public school; Cora, Mabel and Robert. (Mabel and Robert were both still attending school.)

Tragedy then struck two years later when William N. Smith’s wife, Mary A. (Moyer) Smith, suffered an episode of apoplexy, which left her with a disability that affected the right side of her body for the remainder of her days. Although she was able to regain enough mobility to function at home, somewhat, for the next two years, her health declined again during the final months of her life, and she passed away at the age of sixty-one, at home in Allentown, just two days before Christmas in 1904. Following funeral services, she was laid to rest at the Greenwood Cemetery in Allentown.

Afterward, William N. Smith soldiered on — with the love and support of his children and fellow musicians. In 1903, he performed with the Allentown Band in Toronto, Canada.

After making the decision to retire in 1907, he continued to reside in Allentown with one or more of his children. By 1910, his household at 1116 Turner Street in Allentown had added a new member — David S. Mertz — who had married William’s daughter, Cora. That year, William’s sons, Edmund and Robert, were employed as a real estate agent and electrician, respectively, while his daughter, Mary, was still employed as a teacher. His son-in-law, David, was the proprietor of a grocery store.

Sadly, that decade ended on a somber note due to another family tragedy — the sudden death of Edmund O. Smith in 1919. Having injured himself without realizing it, after he had fallen on a patch of ice and hit his head in early January that year, Edmund had appeared to be “in his usual good health and remained up until nearly midnight reading” on 14 January, according to Allentown’s Morning Call newspaper. “He did not leave the house in the evening but he was not heard to complain of illness.” But early the next morning, “his brother-in-law, David S. Mertz, who reside[d] in the house, went to the bathroom and there found Mr. Smith on the floor.” During a subsequent review of the case, public health officer J. T. Butz, M. D., “stated that a blood clot might have formed at the point of injury which brought a stroke of apoplexy and caused death.” Following a private funeral, Edmund O. Smith was interred at Allentown’s Greenwood Cemetery. The Allentown Call subsequently eulogized him as “a popular member and snare drummer of the Allentown Band” whose “good humor and happy sunny disposition was unfailing. He was a staunch friend and pleasing companion.”

“He too became a drummer and player of the traps…. His whole being was in his work and he became so skilled in the use of the instruments that he gained wide fame and had many offers for his services. He would not leave Allentown however, and for a long time remained with the [Allentown Band] and the orchestras of the former Academy of Music and Lyric Theatre…. A few years ago he withdrew from the band and orchestra and formed a partnership with Al Kramer and Charles Schumm to conduct the Central Park restaurant.”

By 1920, William N. Smith had moved into the home of his daughter, Mary (Smith ) Mock, and her husband, Clarence Mock, at 127 North Twelfth Street in Allentown’s Seventh Ward. Also residing with them was William’s daughter, Mabel Smith. Their household was supported on the wages of William’s son-in-law, Clarence, who worked as a drug salesman.

A longtime member of the Salem Reformed Church, William N. Smith had also remained active with the Grand Army of the Republic’s Yeager Post (No. 13) and the United Veteran Legion.

Illness, Death and Interment

On 8 February 1923, William N. Smith suffered an episode of apoplexy. Although he survived, thanks to the medical care he received, his days were numbered. He died three weeks later, at the age of eighty-two on 1 March 1923, while convalescing at the home of his daughter, Mary (Smith) Mock, at 127 North Twelfth Street in Allentown. Following funeral services, he was laid to rest beside his wife at the Allentown’s Greenwood Cemetery.

What Happened to William N. Smith’s Children?

Although two of William N. Smith’s children did not survive their infancy, eight of his children reached adulthood — seven of whom survived him: William E. Smith, The Honorable Harry J. Smith, Harvey H. C. Smith, Mary (Smith) Mock, Cora Irene (Smith) Mertz, Robert Samuel Smith, and Mabel M. Smith.

Mabel May Smith

An invalid who was unable to work for most of her life, due to valvular heart disease, William N. Smith’s daughter, Mabel May Smith, never married. Following her death at the age of forty-one, at the home of her sister, Mary (Smith) Mock, at 127 North Twelfth Street in Allentown, on 14 March 1924, she was also laid to rest at Allentown’s Greenwood Cemetery.

William E. Smith

As the first person hired by the Bell Telephone Company of Pennsylvania to manage its new Allentown office, William N. Smith’s son, William E. Smith, oversaw the installation of the very first telephone in Allentown. Following his marriage to Jenny Nonnemacher, he and his wife welcomed the Allentown births of sons: Claude Marcus Smith (1881-1933), who was born on 10 February 1881 and later wed Gertrude E. Case (1880-1958); Stanley Smith (1888-1968), who was born on 5 February 1888 and later became a stock broker; and H. Emory Smith (1900-1968), who was born on 14 June 1968. Hired by the Adelaide Silk Mill in Allentown circa 1891, William E. Smith subsequently rose through the ranks to become the foreman of that factory’s quilling department. Retired from the factory circa 1928, he was then hired by Lehigh Portland Cement as a stock clerk. A member of St. John’s Lutheran Church, he was also active with the International Order of Odd Fellows and the Sons of Union Veterans. Preceded in death by his son, Claude, on 21 January 1933, William E. Smith died at the age of seventy-four at the Allentown Hospital on 27 September 1935. Following funeral services, he was laid to rest at the Fairview Cemetery in Allentown.

Harvey H. C. Smith

William N. Smith’s son, Harvey H. C. Smith, grew up to become an operator for Western Union before becoming a “well known electrician,” according to Allentown’s Morning Call newspaper. Following his marriage to Emma A. Kline, he welcomed the birth with her of a son, Kline J. H. Smith (1895-1947), who was born in 1895. The founder of the Smith Electric Company at Twelfth and Hamilton Streets in Allentown, which he operated for forty years, Harvey H. C. Smith was appointed to the city of Allentown’s civil service board during the early 1930s. Retired in 1935, he was a member of the Asbury Methodist Episcopal Church and the Free and Accepted Masons’ Greenleaf Lodge (No. 561). Following a brief illness, he died at the age of seventy-eight at the Allentown Hospital, on 29 August 1945, and was laid to rest at Allentown’s Union-West End Cemetery.

Mary (Smith) Mock

William N. Smith’s daughter, Mary (Smith) Mock, who was known to family and friends as “Mame” or “Mamie,” became a teacher in the city of Allentown’s Seventh Ward public schools — a career that she maintained for twenty-three years. Her final teaching assignment was as an educator at Allentown’s McKinley School. Ailing during the final year of her life, she died at the age of seventy-one at the Allentown Hospital, on 20 January 1950, and was also buried at the Greenwood Cemetery in Allentown. She was survived by her husband, Clarence Mock, and her siblings: The Honorable Harry J. Smith, Robert Samuel Smith, and Cora I. (Smith) Mertz.

Cora Irene (Smith) Mertz

William N. Smith’s daughter, Cora Irene (Smith) Mertz, was married to David S. Mertz, Jr., who co-owned and operated a grocery store with his father that was located at 230 North Tenth Street in Allentown. In frail health during the final years of her life, she succumbed to complications from arteriosclerosis and cerebral hemiplegia at the age of seventy at her home at 1015 Oak Street in Allentown, on 24 August 1950, and was also interred at the Greenwoid Cemetery in Allentown.

Robert Samuel Smith

William N. Smith’s son, Robert Samuel Smith, also grew up to become an electrician. Following his marriage to Alma M. Rhoads on 31 March 1915, he welcomed the birth with her of a son, Robert R. Smith (1915-2007), who was born on 21 October 1915. By 1922, Robert S. Smith was employed as the foreman at the Crowder Jr. company, according to Allentown’s Morning Call newspaper. Ailing during the final six years of his life, he died at the age of seventy-one at the Allentown Hospital on 3 November 1956, and was subsequently buried at Allentown’s Greenwood Cemetery.

The Honorable Harry J. Smith

When he was just twelve years old, William N. Smith’s son, Harry Jeremiah Smith, “left school and entered the employ of the Lentz shoe factory, where he remained 25 years,” according to Allentown’s Morning Call newspaper. “He began as a blacker boy at 75c a week and progressing through the positions of shipping clerk and shoe cutter, became a foreman.”

During this same period of his life, he enlisted with the Pennsylvania National Guard (PNG). Following his enrollment at the age of eighteen on 7 July 1883, he was assigned to Company D of the PNG’s 4th Infantry, and was subsequently promoted to the rank of musician, and continued to serve at that rank until he was honorably discharged by General Orders, No. 10 on 5 June 1888.

While working his way up the ranks at the John Lentz Shoe Factory, which was located at the southwest corner of 6th and Hamilton Streets in Allentown, he managed a workforce of thirty-five women in that factory’s stitching department, but ultimately decided to resign from his role as a foreman in order to pursue other business interests. According to The Morning Call:

“In 1900 he formed a partnership with Jonathan E. Frederick, long Democratic City and county chairman, and together, as Frederick and Smith, they conducted a prosperous wholesale candy business until Jan. 14, 1919, when Mr. Smith sold out to Mr. Frederick.”

That candy company was located at 205 North 6th Street in Allentown. Beginning in 1919, he served as the superintendent of the United States Employment Office in Allentown, where he “placed thousands of men in essential industries” during World War I, according to The Morning Call. He was so effective in that role “that he received the commendation of both President Wilson and Governor Sproul.” Having ended his partnership in the confectionary business, he next worked in the “oil and belting” industry before taking a job as a salesman for the Allentown Portland Cement Company, “covering the coal regions and the territory as far west as Lock Haven” in 1922.

A member of the Lehigh County Republican Party during that part of his professional life, Harry J. Smith was also elected to the Pennsylvania House of Representatives on 2 November 1920. Representing constituents in Allentown, beginning with the 1921 term of the Pennsylvania General Assembly, he went on to serve multiple consecutive terms before his defeat in the general election of November 1930. According to The Morning Call, Representative Harry Smith was a “popular Allentown assemblyman, who served very acceptably” during his first term in the Pennsylvania House. Nicknamed “Candy Smith” during his prior career as a confectioner:

“He greatly pleased his Allentown constituents, as well as the people throughout the state, by voting against the measures to tax coal and gasoline. He voted for the resolutions to investigate the Auditor General’s department, to secure a complete and detailed itemized account of what moneys were expended and what balances were on hand. He supported every measure presented in the interest of the police and firemen and the betterment of their working conditions.

“Mr. Smith voted against the bill for an open Sunday, providing for Sunday movies and stood not to commercialize Sunday baseball.”

He also chaired that legislative body’s Library Committee, “supported the fishermen’s license bill,” sponsored legislation “to simplify personal registration” and helped to secure “appropriations for the Allentown hospital and the other charitable institutions” in Lehigh County during his first term. During his final term in office, he chaired both the Appropriations and Library committees, and served on the Insurance; Law and Order; and Manufacturers, Mines and Mining committees. Editors of the Morning Call once said of Representative Smith:

“Everybody in Allentown knows him, knows how genial and kindly he is, and also knows that when business is on hand, nobody exceeds him in attention to that business.”

Widowed by his wife, Agnes (Muir) Smith, when she died from Bright’s Disease at the age of fifty-eight, at the Allentown Hospital on 29 November 1922, he continued to soldier on as a representative of his constituents until his final House term ended. He then dedicated himself to his work for Allentown Portland Cement and to his many civic and charitable endeavors for the remainder of his life. An active member of the Elks, Kiwanis, Knights of the Golden Eagle, Masons, Shriners, Sons of Veterans, and the Royal Order of Jesters, “he marked his 85th birthday anniversary … by taking a 10-day flying trip to Mexico” with the Jesters during the fall of 1950, according to The Morning Call. And like his grandfather, father and brother, Edmund, he was also a lifetime member of the Allentown Band.

Following his death at the Allentown Hospital on 28 April 1951, The Honorable Harry Jeremiah Smith was laid to rest beside his wife at the Union-West End Cemetery in Allentown. Although a significant portion of his estate was bequeathed to his son, Raymond H. Smith, his last will and testament also stipulated that two thousand five hundred dollars each be given to the Allentown and Sacred Heart hospitals “with the provision that this money be used ‘for the free clinics to provide medical services for those people who are unable to pay for it,” according to The Morning Call. He also bequeathed one thousand dollars each to four nieces and nephews and one thousand dollars each to the following non-profit organizations: the Allentown Band, Lehigh County Crippled Children’s Society, Good Shepherd Home, Pennsylvania Association for the Blind (Lehigh County branch), Philadelphia Shrine Hospital for Crippled Children, and the Salem Reformed Church.

“In keeping with Smith’s wishes … a simple service was held” on 2 May 1951 “at J. S. Burkholder funeral home with Rev. Robert D. Brodt, pastor of Salem Reformed church, officiating.”

“A quartet from the Allentown band participated in the service at the funeral home where an honor guard of Knights Templar was in attendance.

“Rev. Brodt took as his text ‘He That Doeth These Things Shall Never Be Moved.’ He said in part, ‘According to our Christian teachings, life is a preparation. In this preparation we discover that the simple virtues of life are the things that endure. And the person who gives his life in service to others represents those virtues.'”

 

Sources:

1. “A New Wrinkle” (mention of William N. Smith’s work as a percussionist for the Allentown Band). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Allentown Critic, 30 November 1890.
2. “Assemblyman Smith Will Seek Re-Election” (article about William N. Smith’s son, The Honorable Harry J. Smith, member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 22 February 1922.
3. Aubrecht, Michael. “A History of Civil War Drummer Boys (Part 1).” Fredericksburg, Virginia: Emerging Civil War, 27 July 2016.
4. Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
5. “Charities Share in the Estate of Harry J. Smith” (resolution of the estate of The Honorable Harry J. Smith, a son of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 3 May 1951.
6. “Cora Irene Mertz” (obituary of a daughter of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 25 August 1950.
7. “Death of Mrs. Wm. N. Smith” (obituary of Mary A. (Moyer) Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Allentown Leader, 23 December 1904.
8. “Edmund O. Smith Found Dead in Bath Room: Was Well Known Musician and Restauranteur — Death Result of Fall on Ice” (obituary of Edmund O. Smith, a son of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 16 January 1919.
9. “Florida’s Role in the Civil War,” in Florida Memory. Tallahassee, Florida: State Archives of Florida.
10. “Greatest Election in Local History Won by Republicans in a Landslide of Votes: Gernerd Leads Dumn by More Than 4,000” (mention of the election of The Honorable Harry J. Smith, a son of William N. Smith, to his first term in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 3 November 1920.
11. Grodzins, Dean and David Moss. “The U.S. Secession Crisis as a Breakdown of Democracy,” in When Democracy Breaks: Studies in Democratic Erosion and Collapse, from Ancient Athens to the Present Day (chapter 3). New York, New York: Oxford University Press, 2024.
12. “Had Its Second Rehearsal” (mention of percussionists William N. Smith and his son, Edmund). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Allentown Leader, 3 April 1896.
13. “Harry J. Smith” (a son of William N. Smith), in “Members of the House of Representatives: Member Biographies.” Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania House of Representatives, House Archives, retrieved online 21 September 2025.
14. “Harry J. ‘Candy’ Smith, 85, Fraternalist, Businessman, Former Assemblyman, Dies” (obituary of The Honorable Harry J. Smith, a former member of the Pennsylvania Housr of Representatives and a son of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 29 April 1951.
15. Harvey H. C. Smith (a son of William N. Smith) and Smith Electric Co., in “Chat About Your Friends.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 17 October 1922.
16. Harvey H. C. Smith (a son of William N. Smith), in “City to Extend Sewer System.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 16 August 1933.
17. “Harvey H. C. Smith Dies After Few Days Illness” (obituary of a son of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 30 August 1945.
18. “Lichtenwalner’s Lead Over Judge Bushong Reaches 15,225 Votes” (mention of the general election loss of William N. Smith’s son, The Honorable Harry J. Smith, Pennsylvania House of Representatives). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 6 November 1930.
19. Mabel M. Smith (a daughter of William N. Smith), in Death Certificates (file no.: 25049, registered no.: 331, date of death: 14 March 1924). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Commonwealthof Pennsylvania, Department of Health, Bureau of Vital Statistics.
20. “Miss Mabel M. Smith” (obituary of a daughter of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 15 March 1924.
21. Mock, Clarence T. and Mary M. (a daughter of William N. Smith); and Smith, William N. and Mable N., in U.S. Census (Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1920). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
22. “Mrs. Mary M. Mock, Former Teacher, Dies After Year’s Illness” (obituary of a daughter of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 21 January 1950.
23. Raymond Harrison Smith (a grandson of William Smith), in World War II Draft Registration Cards, 1942. Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
24. “Result of the Primaries” (mention of William N. Smith as a snare drummer). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 17 July 1897.
25. “Robert S. Smith” (obituary of a son of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 4 November 1956.
26. Roberts, John. “Civil War Drum Calls” (video performance of the various calls used by Union Army drummer boys to call troops into formation and direct their movements in combat and non-combat situations; based on instructions provided to drummers in “Infantry Tactics” by Brigadier-General Silas Casey of the U.S. Army). YouTube: 19 September 2018, retrieved online 28 April 2024.
27. “Roster of the 47th P. V. Inf.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 26 October 1930.
28. Schmidt, Lewis G. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
29. Smith, Harry [sic, “The Honorable J. Smith”] (a son of William N. Smith), Agnes and Raymond, in U.S Census (Allentown, Ninth Ward, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1900). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
30. Smith, J. Harry [sic, “Harry J. Smith”] (a son of William N. Smith), in Veterans’ Card File, 1880s (Company D, 4th Infantry, Pennsylvania National Guard). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State Archives.
31. Smith, Jeremiah, Henrietta, May, William, and Samuel; and Mennich [sic, Mench], William (shoemaker), in U.S. Census (Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1850). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
32. Smith, Jeremiah, Henrietta, William, Samuel, and Jacob; Moyer, Catharine (seamstress); and Smith, Sarah (servant); and Mennich [sic, Mench], William (shoemaker), in U.S. Census (Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1860). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administation.
33. Smith, Mabel May (infant) and William and Mary Smith (parents), in Birth and Baptismal Records (Salem United Church of Christ, Allentown, Pennsylvania, April-August 1882). Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
34. Smith, Robert Samuel (groom) and William N. and Mary (parents of the groom); and Rhoads, Alma M. (bride) and John H. and Minnie (parents of the bride), in Marriage Records (Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 31 March 1915). Allentown, Pennsylvania: Clerk of the Orphans’ Court of Lehigh County, Pennsylvania.
35. Smith, William N., in Civil War Muster Rolls (Company G, 47th Pennsylvania Infantry). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania State Archives.
36. Smith, William N., in Civil War Veterans’ Card File, 1861-1866 (Company G, 47th Pennsylvania Infantry). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania State Archives.
37. Smith, William N., in Records of Burial Places of Veterans (Greenwood Cemetery, Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1935). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Department of Military Affairs.
38. Smith, William N., in U.S. Census (“Special Schedule. — Surviving Soldiers, Sailors, and Marines, and Widows, etc.”: Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1890). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
39. Smith, William N. (father), Mary H., William E. (son), Harry J., and Harvey H., in U.S. Census (Emmaus, Salisbury Township, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1870). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
40. Smith, William N. (father), Mary H. (mother), William E. (son), Harry J., Harvey H., Edmund D., Mary M. (daughter), and Cora I., in U.S. Census (Allentown, Fifth Ward, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1880). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
41. Smith, William, N., Mary (mother), Edmund, Mary (daughter), Cora, Mabel, and Robert, in U.S. Census (Allentown, Seventh Ward, Lehigh County, 1900). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
42. Smith, William, N., Mary (mother), Edmund, Mary (daughter), Mabel, and Robert; and Mertz, David and Cora (a daughter of William N. Smith), in U.S. Census (Allentown, Seventh Ward, Lehigh County, 1910). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
43. “Supervised Installation of First Telephones Here: Death Calls William E. Smith in His 74th Year” (obituary of the oldest son of William N. Smith). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 28 September 1935.
44. “The Allentown Band Thirty Years Ago” (two photographs with captions which identify William N. Smith, “Edwin Smith” and other members of the Allentown Band). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 2 October 1921.
45. “The History of the Forty-Seventh Regt. P. V.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Lehigh Register, 20 July 1870.
46. “The Local Record” (mention of William N. Smith as the snare drummer of the Allentown Band). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Allentown Democrat, 24 June 1903.
47. “‘The Windsor’: One of Allentown’s Most Popular and Up-to-Date Saloons” (mention of William N. Smith as the drummer of the Windsor Orchestra). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 14 July 1900.
48. “Three Assemblymen to Seek Re-Election” (mention of William N. Smith’s son, The Honorable Harry J. Smith of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 7 January 1930.
49. Wharton, Henry D. Letters from the Sunbury Guards, 1861-1868. Sunbury, Pennsylvania: Sunbury American.
50. “What’s in a Name?” (mention of William N. Smith’s membership in the Nuding Sextet of the Allentown Band). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Allentown Democrat, 21 February 1912.
51. “Wife of Assemblyman Smith Passes Away” (death notice of a daughter-in-law of William N. Smith and the wife of The Honorable Harry J. Smith, Pennsylvania House of Representatives). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 30 November 1922.
52. William N. Smith (confirmation of William Smith’s encounter with Abraham Lincoln), in “Gleanings By the Way.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Allentown Democrat, 4-5 April 1911.
53. William N. Smith, in Death Certificates (file no.: 32257, registered no.: 279, date of death: 1 March 1923). Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Department of Health, Bureau of Vital Statistics.
54. “Wm. N. Smith, Civil War Veteran and Musician, Dies.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 3 March 1923.