Alternate Spellings of Surname: Hansler, Hauser, Hausler, Henseler, Hensler, Henßler, Henssler, Henzler

 

William Hensler grew up hearing stories about the civil unrest and wars that had prompted his parents and oldest siblings to flee their home in the Kingdom of Württemberg and travel across the Atlantic Ocean in search of better lives during the early part of the nineteenth century.

A first-generation American, he would grow to manhood in Pennsylvania’s bucolic Lehigh Valley, where he was trained to become a brewer by his brother-in-law, Leopold Kern.

Formative Years

Born in the Borough of Easton, Northampton County, Pennsylvania on 5 January 1843, William Hensler was a son of Jacob Friedrich Hensler, Sr. (1791-1843) and Dorothea Catharina (Schäffer) Hensler (1799-1855) [alternate spelling: Dorothy (Schaeffer) Hensler], and the youngest brother of: Christian Hensler (1821-1853); Anna Maria Hensler (1823-1902); Johan Georg Hensler (1825-1889); Catharina Hensler (1828-1829); and Jacob Friedrich Hensler, Jr. (1830-1884), who were each born in the town of Spielberg in the Kingdom of Württemberg (respectively, on 18 July 1821, 28 Jul 1823, 1 October 1825, 27 May 1828, and 10 March 1830); and first-generation Americans: John Hensler (1834-1905), who was born in Easton, Northampton County, Pennsylvania on 8 February 1934 and later served in Company H of the 38th Pennsylvania Militia, Emergency of 1863, and became the husband of Katharine C. Brodback (1839-1914); Elizabeth Hensler (1836-1927), who was born in Easton in 1836, was known to family and friends as “Eliza” and later wed German immigrant Leopold Kern (1821-1881), who had been born in Schramburg in the Kingdom of Württemberg in 1821; and Harriet Hensler (1840-1921), who was born in Easton on 27 March 1840 and later wed Joseph Flad (1835-1886).

His father barely had the chance to make William’s acquaintance, however, before he was gone. Sometime during the late 1830s or early 1840s, Jacob Friedrich Hensler, Sr. had fallen ill with tuberculosis (also known as “consumption” because it literally “consumed” its sufferers, causing them to weaken and gradually waste away). Two months after his youngest son’s birth, Jacob Friedrich Hensler, Sr. died from tuberculosis-related complications in Easton on 31 March 1843. Still in his early fifties, he was subsequently laid to rest at the Easton Cemetery in Northampton County.

* Note: Born in the Kingdom of Württemberg on 19 March 1791, William Hensler’s father, Jacob Friedrich Hensler, Sr. (alternate spellings: “Jacob Fridrich Henseler”and “Jacob Friedrich Henzler”), was a son of Christian and Anna Maria Henzler. On 13 June 1816, he married Dorothea Catharina Schäffer at the Evangelische Kirche Spielberg, which was located in the town of Spielberg in the lower court district of Nagold, in the Kingdom Württemberg (in what is now Baden-Württemberg in the southwestern part of Germany). According to the Spielberg Evangelical Parish Church Office:

Spielberg, together with Langensteinbach, belonged to the mother church in Grünwettersbach until its separation in 1432. Afterward, it became a branch parish of Langensteinbach (vicariate in 1912). Spielberg has been an independent parish since 1928.

As early as 1450, two chaplains were active in Spielberg, who were responsible for the neighboring St. Barbara Chapel and a local chapel dedicated to St. James.

This chapel, the first documented example in Spielberg, experienced a turbulent history over the following centuries, affecting both religious affiliation and structural changes.

Initially repaired in 1716 – 1718, it was completely demolished in 1732 – 1734 by the Pforzheim master mason Johann Wilhelm Schwartz and – as was not unusual at the time – rebuilt using the demolition material.

This chapel consisted of a single-nave building (nave), of which the western part still survives today as the present-day tower building. The east wall was located where the opening to the organ and sacristy is today.

With the addition of two large, almost square side aisles with equally large galleries around 1830, the church gained several times its original size and, with the exception of the later addition of the sacristy and organ, its current floor plan. The altar stood in a similar location to today, in front of the former east wall, with the pulpit above it, accessible via a staircase in a small sacristy extension….

Fifteen years later, during the late fall or winter of 1832, Jacob Friedrich Hensler, Sr. and his wife, Dorothea Catharina (Schäffer) Hensler, made the difficult decision to emigrate from their homeland. Traveling across the Atlantic Ocean with their four surviving children, they arrived on the East Coast of the United States of America as German immigrants in December of that same year. Shortly after disembarking at the port in Baltimore, Maryland, they traveled north to Pennsylvania, and settled in the Borough of Easton in Northampton County, where they welcomed the first of their Pennsylvania-born children, John Hensler, in 1834. Less than a decade later, Jacob Friederich Hensler, Sr. was felled by tuberculosis.

As if the death of the Hensler family’s patriarch had not been heartache enough, William Hensler’s oldest brother, Christian Hensler, then also contracted erysipelas sometime in 1843 and died from disease-related complications on 2 May of that same year. A thirty-one-year-old mason at the time of his passing, Christian was interred at the same cemetery where his father had been buried (the Easton Cemetery in Easton, Northampton County), and was survived by his wife, Barbara, and their two children John V. Hensler (1847-1924), who had been born in Easton on 14 February 1847; and Elizabeth Hensler, who had been born in Easton circa 1848.

A Brief Period of Stability

As a result of those tragedies, William Hensler’s mother, Dorothy, was left to soldier on as the single mother of a newborn with three other school-aged children. Given little time to grieve, she was now also responsible for the financial management duties that came with being the head of her own household — a significant hurdle for a recent widow whose first language was German, not English.

But she rose to the challenge. Ensuring that each of her children were educated in Easton’s public schools, she also made sure they received religious instruction by taking them to services at Easton’s St. John’s Evangelical Lutheran Church. And she also served as an advisor to her much older children, who had already begun work and family lives of their own.

Still residing in Easton when a federal  census enumerator arrived at the Hensler home in 1850, William Hensler was documented as an Eastonian who lived with his mother and siblings John and Harriet Hensler. That same year, Harriet and William continued to attend school while their brother supported the family on the wages of a laborer.

Sadly, tragedy struck again just five years later when William Hensler’s mother also passed away. Still in her mid-fifties when she died in Easton on 7 July 1855, Dorothy (Schaeffer) Hensler was laid to rest beside her husband at the Easton Cemetery, leaving William Hensler to survive her as a twelve-year-old orphan.

Fortunately, William Hensler was not left alone in the world entirely. His older sister, Eliza, who had already married and begun her own family during the early 1850s, had the financial means to take William into her home. By 1860, Eliza’s household in Allentown’s Second Ward included her younger brother (William Hensler), her husband (master brewer Leopold Kern) and their children: William Kern (1857-1887), who had been born in Allentown on 29 August 1857; and John Kern, who had been born circa 1859. Also residing with the Kern family and William Hensler at that time were Margaret Clarissa Kern (born 3 June 1851), who was Leopold Kern’s daughter from his first marriage; and master brewer Berthold Meyers, a twenty-seven-year-old native of Bavaria. Their lives were likely comfortable by standards of that time; Leopold Kern’s real estate and personal property were valued at thirteen hundred dollars by that year’s federal census enumerator (the equivalent of roughly fifty-four thousand U.S. dollars in 2025).

By 1861, William Hensler was following in the footsteps of his brother-in-law — by working as a brewer.

American Civil War

As friends and neighbors continued to march off to war, nineteen-year-old William Hensler was realizing that he, too, could do more for his country by serving as a soldier, rather than a brewer. So, on 4 September 1861, he enlisted in the army at a recruiting station in Allentown. He then officially mustered in for duty at Camp Curtin in Harrisburg, Dauphin County, Pennsylvania on 18 September 1861 as a private with Company G of the newly-formed 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry.

Company G was initially led by Charles Mickley, a miller and merchant who was a native of Mickleys near Whitehall Township in Lehigh County, Pennsylvania. After recruiting the men who would form the 47th Pennsylvania’s G Company, Charles Mickley had personally mustered in for duty as a corporal with the 47th Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry on 18 September 1861, and was then promptly commissioned as a captain and given command of Company G that same day. Also on that day, Charles A. Henry was made Company G’s second lieutenant, and John J. Goebel was commissioned as G Company’s first lieutenant. The remainder of Company G — ninety-five men — also enrolled and mustered in that same day; by the next month, the roster numbered ninety-eight — a figure that would hold until 1862. By the time the Civil War ended in 1865, a total of one hundred and ninety-five men would ultimately serve with G Company, including Thomas B. Leisenring, who would go on to become the company’s captain.

Military records at the time described Private William Hensler as a brewer who was five feet, eight inches tall with dark hair gray eyes and a fair complexion.

Following a brief light infantry training period at Camp Curtin, Private Hensler and his company were sent by train with the 47th Pennsylvania to Washington, D.C., where they were stationed at “Camp Kalorama” on the Kalorama Heights near Georgetown, about two miles from the White House, beginning 21 September. Henry Wharton, a field musician (drummer) with the regiment’s C Company, penned an update the next day to his hometown newspaper, the Sunbury American:

After a tedious ride we have, at last, safely arrived at the City of ‘magnificent distances.’ We left Harrisburg on Friday last at 1 o’clock A.M. and reached this camp yesterday (Saturday) at 4 P.M., as tired and worn out a sett [sic] of mortals as can possibly exist. On arriving at Washington we were marched to the ‘Soldiers Retreat,’ a building purposely erected for the benefit of the soldier, where every comfort is extended to him and the wants of the ‘inner man’ supplied.

After partaking of refreshments we were ordered into line and marched, about three miles, to this camp. So tired were the men, that on marching out, some gave out, and had to leave the ranks, but J. Boulton Young, our ‘little Zouave,’ stood it bravely, and acted like a veteran. So small a drummer is scarcely seen in the army, and on the march through Washington he was twice the recipient of three cheers.

We were reviewed by Gen. McClellan yesterday [21 September 1861] without our knowing it. All along the march we noticed a considerable number of officers, both mounted and on foot; the horse of one of the officers was so beautiful that he was noticed by the whole regiment, in fact, so wrapt [sic] up were they in the horse, the rider wasn’t noticed, and the boys were considerably mortified this morning on dis-covering they had missed the sight of, and the neglect of not saluting the soldier next in command to Gen. Scott.

Col. Good, who has command of our regiment, is an excellent man and a splendid soldier. He is a man of very few words, and is continually attending to his duties and the wants of the Regiment.

…. Our Regiment will now be put to hard work; such as drilling and the usual business of camp life, and the boys expect and hope for an occasional ‘pop’ at the enemy.

On 24 September 1861, the members of Company G and their fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers officially mustered in with the U.S. Army. Three days later, on 27 September, a rainy, drill-free day which permitted many of the men to read or write letters home, the 47th Pennsylvanians were assigned to the 3rd Brigade of Brigadier-General Isaac Ingalls Stevens. By that afternoon, they were on the move again, headed for the Potomac River’s eastern side where, upon arriving at Camp Lyon in Maryland, they were ordered to march double-quick over a chain bridge and off toward Falls Church, Virginia.

Arriving at Camp Advance at dusk, the men pitched their tents in a deep ravine about two miles from the bridge they had just crossed, near a new federal military facility under construction (Fort Ethan Allen), which was also located near the headquarters of Brigadier-General William Farrar Smith (nicknamed “Baldy”), the commander of the Union’s massive Army of the Potomac (“Mr. Lincoln’s Army”). Armed with Mississippi rifles supplied by the Keystone State, their job was to help defend the nation’s capital.

Once again, Company C Musician Henry Wharton recapped the regiment’s activities, noting, via his 29 September letter home to the Sunbury American, that the 47th had changed camps three times in three days:

On Friday last we left Camp Kalorama, and the same night encamped about one mile from the Chain Bridge on the opposite side of the Potomac from Washington. The next morning, Saturday, we were ordered to this Camp [Camp Advance near Fort Ethan Allen, Virginia], one and a half miles from the one we occupied the night previous. I should have mentioned that we halted on a high hill (on our march here) at the Chain Bridge, called Camp Lyon, but were immediately ordered on this side of the river. On the route from Kalorama we were for two hours exposed to the hardest rain I ever experienced. Whew, it was a whopper; but the fellows stood it well – not a murmur – and they waited in their wet clothes until nine o’clock at night for their supper. Our Camp adjoins that of the N.Y. 79th (Highlanders.)….

We had not been in this Camp more than six hours before our boys were supplied with twenty rounds of ball and cartridge, and ordered to march and meet the enemy; they were out all night and got back to Camp at nine o’clock this morning, without having a fight. They are now in their tents taking a snooze preparatory to another march this morning…. I don’t know how long the boys will be gone, but the orders are to cook two days’ rations and take it with them in their haversacks….

There was a nice little affair came off at Lavensville [sic, Lewinsville], a few miles from here on Wednesday last; our troops surprised a party of rebels (much larger than our own.) killing ten, took a Major prisoner, and captured a large number of horses, sheep and cattle, besides a large quantity of corn and potatoes, and about ninety six [sic] tons of hay. A very nice day’s work. The boys are well, in fact, there is no sickness of any consequence at all in our Regiment….

Sometime during this phase of duty, as part of the 3rd Brigade, the 47th Pennsylvanians were moved to a site they initially christened “Camp Big Chestnut” in reference to the large chestnut tree located nearby. The site would eventually become known to the Keystone Staters as “Camp Griffin,” and was located roughly ten miles from Washington, D.C. While en route, according to historian Lewis Schmidt, “Pvt. Reuben Wetzel, a forty-six-year-old cook in Capt. Mickley’s Company G,” climbed up on a horse that was pulling his company’s wagon while his regiment was engaged in a march from Fort Ethan Allen to Camp Griffin (both in Virginia). When the regiment arrived at a deep ditch, “the horses lost their footing and the wagon overturned and plunged into the ditch, with ‘the old man, wagon, and horses, under everything.’”

Pageantry and Hard Work

On 11 October 1861, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers engaged in a grand review of Union Army troops at Bailey’s Cross Roads. In a letter that was written to family back home around this same time, Captain John Peter Shindel Gobin (the leader of C Company who would be promoted in 1864 to head the entire 47th Regiment) reported that companies D, A, C, F and I (the 47th Pennsylvania’s right wing) were ordered to picket duty after the left-wing companies (B, G, K, E, and H) had been forced to return to camp by Confederate troops. In his letter of 13 October, Henry Wharton described their duties, as well as their new home:

The location of our camp is fine and the scenery would be splendid if the view was not obstructed by heavy thickets of pine and innumerable chesnut [sic] trees. The country around us is excellent for the Rebel scouts to display their bravery; that is, to lurk in the dense woods and pick off one of our unsuspecting pickets. Last night, however, they (the Rebels) calculated wide of their mark; some of the New York 33d boys were out on picket; some fourteen or fifteen shots were exchanged, when our side succeeded in bringing to the dust, (or rather mud,) an officer and two privates of the enemy’s mounted pickets. The officer was shot by a Lieutenant in Company H [?], of the 33d.

Our own boys have seen hard service since we have been on the ‘sacred soil.’ One day and night on picket, next day working on entrenchments at the Fort, (Ethan Allen.) another on guard, next on march and so on continually, but the hardest was on picket from last Thursday morning ‘till Saturday morning – all the time four miles from camp, and both of the nights the rain poured in torrents, so much so that their clothes were completely saturated with the rain. They stood it nobly – not one complaining; but from the size of their haversacks on their return, it is no wonder that they were satisfied and are so eager to go again tomorrow. I heard one of them say ‘there was such nice cabbage, sweet and Irish potatoes, turnips, &c., out where their duty called them, and then there was a likelihood of a Rebel sheep or young porker advancing over our lines and then he could take them as ‘contraband’ and have them for his own use.’ When they were out they saw about a dozen of the Rebel cavalry and would have had a bout with them, had it not been for…unlucky circumstance – one of the men caught the hammer of his rifle in the strap of his knapsack and caused his gun to fire; the Rebels heard the report and scampered in quick time….

On Friday morning, 22 October, the 47th engaged in a divisional review, described by historian Lewis Schmidt as massing “about 10,000 infantry, 1000 cavalry, and twenty pieces of artillery all in one big open field.” In late October, according to Schmidt, the men from Companies B, G and H woke at 3 a.m., assembled a day’s worth of rations, marched four miles from camp, and took over picket duties from the 49th New York:

Company B was stationed in the vicinity of a Mrs. Jackson’s house, with Capt. Kacy’s Company H on guard around the house. The men of Company B had erected a hut made of fence rails gathered around an oak tree, in front of which was the house and property, including a persimmon tree whose fruit supplied them with a snack. Behind the house was the woods were the Rebels had been fired on last Wednesday morning while they were chopping wood there.

In his letter of 17 November, Henry Wharton revealed still more details about life at Camp Griffin:

This morning our brigade was out for inspection; arms, accoutrements [sic], clothing, knapsacks, etc, all were out through a thorough examination, and if I must say it myself, our company stood best, A No. 1, for cleanliness. We have a new commander to our Brigade, Brigadier General Brannen [sic], of the U.S. Army, and if looks are any criterion, I think he is a strict disciplinarian and one who will be as able to get his men out of danger as he is willing to lead them to battle….

The boys have plenty of work to do, such as piquet [sic] duty, standing guard, wood-chopping, police duty and day drill; but then they have the most substantial food; our rations consist of fresh beef (three times a week) pickled pork, pickled beef, smoked pork, fresh bread, daily, which is baked by our own bakers, the Quartermaster having procured portable ovens for that purpose, potatoes, split peas, beans, occasionally molasses and plenty of good coffee, so you see Uncle Sam supplies us plentifully….

A few nights ago our Company was out on piquet [sic]; it was a terrible night, raining very hard the whole night, and what made it worse, the boys had to stand well to their work and dare not leave to look for shelter. Some of them consider they are well paid for their exposure, as they captured two ancient muskets belonging to Secessia. One of them is of English manufacture, and the other has the Virginia militia mark on it. They are both in a dilapidated condition, but the boys hold them in high estimation as they are trophies from the enemy, and besides they were taken from the house of Mrs. Stewart, sister to the rebel Jackson who assassinated the lamented Ellsworth at Alexandria. The honorable lady, Mrs. Stewart, is now a prisoner at Washington and her house is the headquarters of the command of the piquets [sic]….

Since the success of the secret expedition, we have all kinds of rumors in camp. One is that our Brigade will be sent to the relief of Gen. Sherman, in South Carolina. The boys all desire it and the news in the ‘Press’ is correct, that a large force is to be sent there, I think their wish will be gratified….

On 21 November, the 47th participated in a morning divisional headquarters review that was overseen by Colonel Tilghman Good, followed by brigade and division drills all afternoon. According to Schmidt, “each man was supplied with ten blank cartridges.” Afterward, “Gen. Smith requested Gen. Brannan to inform Col. Good that the 47th was the best regiment in the whole division.”

As a reward — and in preparation for bigger things to come, Brigadier-General John Milton Brannan obtained brand new Springfield rifles for every member of the 47th Pennsylvania.

1862

Ordered by senior Union Army leaders to head for Maryland, Private William Hensler and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers departed from Camp Griffin at 8:30 a.m. on Wednesday, 22 January 1862. Marching through deep mud with their equipment for three miles in order to reach the railroad station at Falls Church, they were then transported by rail to Alexandria, Virginia, where they boarded the steamship City of Richmond. Transported via the Potomac River to the Washington Arsenal, they were reequipped before they were marched off for dinner and rest at the Soldiers’ Retreat in Washington, D.C.

The next afternoon, they hopped aboard cars on the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and headed for Annapolis, Maryland. Arriving around 10 p.m., they were assigned quarters in barracks at the United States Naval Academy. They then spent that Friday through Monday (24-27 January 1862) loading their equipment and other supplies onto the steamship Oriental.

Ferried to the Oriental by smaller steamers during the afternoon of 27 January 1862, the enlisted members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry commenced boarding the big steamship, followed by their officers. Then, per the directive of Brigadier-General Brannan, the Oriental steamed away for the Deep South at 4 p.m. and headed for Florida which, despite its secession from the Union, remained strategically important to the Union due to the presence of Forts Taylor and Jefferson in Key West and the Dry Tortugas.

In early February 1862, Private William Hensler and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers arrived in Key West, Florida, where they were assigned to garrison Fort Taylor. During the weekend of Friday, 14 February, the regiment introduced itself to Key West residents as it paraded through the streets of the city. That Sunday, a number of the men from the regiment mingled with local residents at area church services.

Drilling daily in heavy artillery tactics and other military strategies, they felled trees, built new roads and helped to strengthen the facility’s fortifications. But there were lighter moments as well.

According to a letter penned by Henry Wharton on 27 February 1862, the regiment commemorated the birthday of former U.S. President George Washington with a parade, a special ceremony involving the reading of Washington’s farewell address to the nation (first delivered in 1796), the firing of cannon at the fort, and a sack race and other games on 22 February. The festivities resumed two days later when the 47th Pennsylvania’s Regimental Band hosted an officers’ ball at which “all parties enjoyed themselves, for three o’clock of the morning sounded on their ears before any motion was made to move homewards.” This was then followed by a concert by the Regimental Band on Wednesday evening, 26 February.

As the 47th Pennsylvanians soldiered on, many were realizing that they were operating in an environment that was far more challenging than what they had experienced to date — and in an area where the water quality was frequently poor. That meant that disease would now be their constant companion — an unseen foe that would continue to claim the lives of multiple members of the regiment during this phase of duty — if they weren’t careful.

Next ordered to Hilton Head, South Carolina from mid-June through July, the 47th Pennsylvanians camped near Fort Walker before relocating to the Beaufort District, Department of the South, roughly thirty-five miles away. Frequently assigned to hazardous picket detail north of their main camp, which put them at increased risk from enemy sniper fire, the members of the 47th Pennsylvania became known for their “attention to duty, discipline and soldierly bearing,” and “received the highest commendation from Generals Hunter and Brannan,” according to historian Samuel P. Bates.

Detachments from the regiment were also assigned to the Expedition to Fenwick Island (9 July) and the Demonstration against Pocotaligo (10 July), while men from Companies B and H “crossed the Coosaw River at the Port Royal Ferry and drove off the Rebel pickets before returning ‘home’ without a loss,” according to Schmidt. The actions were the Union’s response to the burning by Confederate troops of the ferry house at Port Royal.

Saint John’s Bluff and the Capture of a Confederate Steamer

During a return expedition to Florida beginning 30 September, Private William Hensler and his fellow 47th Pennsylvanians joined with the 1st Connecticut Battery, 7th Connecticut Infantry, and part of the 1st Massachusetts Cavalry in assaulting Confederate forces at their heavily protected camp at Saint John’s Bluff, overlooking the Saint John’s River area. Trekking and skirmishing through roughly twenty-five miles of dense swampland and forests after disembarking from ships at Mayport Mills on 1 October, they subsequently captured artillery and ammunition stores (on 3 October) that had been abandoned by Confederate forces during a bombardment of the bluff by Union gunboats.

According to Henry Wharton, “On the day following our occupation of these works the guns were dismounted and removed on board the steamer Neptune, together with the shot and shell, and removed to Hilton Head. The powder was all used in destroying the batteries.”

Meanwhile that same weekend (Friday and Saturday, 3-4 October 1862), Brigadier-General Brannan, who was quartered on board the Ben Deford as the Union expedition’s commanding officer, was busy penning reports to his superiors while also planning the next move of his expeditionary force. That Saturday, Brannan chose several officers to direct their subordinates to prepare rations and ammunition for a new foray that would take them roughly twenty miles upriver to Jacksonville. (A sophisticated hub of cultural and commercial activities with a racially diverse population of more than two thousand residents, the city had repeatedly changed hands between the Union and Confederacy until its occupation by Union forces on 12 March 1862.) Among the Union soldiers selected for this mission were 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers from Company C, Company E and Company K.

Boarding the Union gunboat Darlington (formerly a Confederate steamer), they moved upriver, along the Saint John’s, with protection from the Union gunboat Hale, ultimately traveling a distance of two hundred miles. Charged with locating and capturing Confederate ships that had been engaged in furnishing troops, ammunition and other supplies to Confederate Army units scattered throughout the region, including the batteries at Saint John’s Bluff and Yellow Bluff, they played a key role in capturing the Governor Milton, a Confederate steamer that was docked near Hawkinsville.

Integration of the Regiment

The 47th Pennsylvania also made history during the month of October 1862 as it became an integrated regiment, adding to its muster rolls several Black men who had escaped chattel enslavement from plantations near Beaufort, South Carolina. Among the formerly enslaved men who enlisted at this time were Bristor Gethers, Abraham Jassum and Edward Jassum.

Battle of Pocotaligo, South Carolina

From 21-23 October 1862, under the brigade and regimental commands of Colonel Tilghman Good and Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers joined with other Union troops in engaging heavily protected Confederate forces in and around Pocotaligo, South Carolina, including at the Frampton Plantation and the Pocotaligo Bridge, a key piece of railroad infrastructure that senior Union military leaders felt should be eliminated.

Harried by snipers while en route to destroy the bridge, they also met resistance from Confederate artillerymen who opened fire as they entered an open cotton field.

Those headed toward higher ground at the Frampton Plantation fared no better as they encountered rifle and cannon fire from the surrounding forests. But the Union soldiers would not give in. Grappling with Rebel troops wherever they found them, they pursued them for four miles as the Confederate Army retreated to the bridge. Once there, the 47th Pennsylvania relieved the 7th Connecticut.

The engagement proved to be a costly one for the 47th Pennsylvania, however, with multiple members of the regiment killed instantly or so grievously wounded that they died the next day or within weeks of the battle. Among those killed in action was Captain Charles Mickley of Company G; one of the mortally wounded was K Company Captain George Junker.

Also wounded in action that day was Private William Hensler. Treated for a head wound by by regimental surgeons in the field and then back at the Union Army’s general hospital in Hilton Head, he became one of the incredibly fortunate members of the 47th Pennsylvania to survive, and was subsequently able to return to duty.

Ordered back to Key West on 15 November 1862, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers would spend the coming year guarding federal installations in Florida. Companies A, B, C, E, G, and I would once again garrison Fort Taylor in Key West, while the men from Companies D, F, H, and K would garrison Fort Jefferson, the Union’s remote outpost in the Dry Tortugas off the southern coast of Florida.

After packing their belongings at their Beaufort, South Carolina encampment and loading their equipment onto the U.S. Steamer Cosmopolitan, the officers and enlisted members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry sailed toward the mouth of the Broad River on 15 December 1862, and anchored briefly at Port Royal Harbor in order to allow the regiment’s medical director, Elisha W. Baily, M.D., and members of the regiment who had recuperated enough from their Pocotaligo-related battle injuries at the Union’s general hospital at Hilton Head, to rejoin the regiment.

At 5 p.m. that same evening, the regiment sailed for Florida, during what was described by several members of the 47th as a treacherous and nerve-wracking voyage. According to historian Lewis Schmidt, the ship’s captain “steered a course along the coast of Florida for most of the voyage,” which made the voyage more precarious “because of all the reefs.” On 16 December, “the second night, the ship was jarred as it ran aground on one during a storm, but broke free, and finally steered a course further from shore, out in the Gulf Stream.”

In a letter penned to the Sunbury American on 21 December, Company C soldier Henry Wharton provided the following details about the regiment’s trip:

On the passage down, we ran along almost the whole coast of Florida. Rather all dangerous ground, and the reefs are no playthings. We were jarred considerably by running on one, and not liking the sensation our course was altered for the Gulf Stream. We had heavy sea all the time. I had often heard of ‘waves as big as a house,’ and thought it was a sailors yarn, but I have seen ’em and am perfectly satisfied; so now, not having a nautical turn of mind, I prefer our movements being done on terra firma, and leave old neptune to those who have more desire for his better acquaintance. A nearer chance of a shipwreck never took place than ours, and it was only through Providence that we were saved. The Cosmopolitan is a good riverboat, but to send her to sea, loadened [sic, loaded] with U.S. troops is a shame, and looks as though those in authority wish to get clear of soldiers in another way than that of battle. There was some sea sickness on our passage; several of the boys ‘casting up their accounts’ on the wrong side of the ledger.

According to Corporal George Nichols of Company E, “When we got to Key West the Steamer had Six foot of water in her hole [sic, hold]. Waves Mountain High and nothing but an old river Steamer. With Eleven hundred Men on I looked for her to go to the Bottom Every Minute.”

Although the Cosmopolitan arrived at Key West Harbor on Thursday, 18 December, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers did not set foot on Florida soil until noon the next day. The men from Companies C and I were immediately marched to Fort Taylor, while the men from Companies B and E were assigned to older barracks that had previously been erected by the U.S. Army. Members of Companies A and G were marched to the newer “Lighthouse Barracks” located on “Lighthouse Key.”

On 27 December 1862, Private William Hensler was promoted to the rank of corporal — a sign of recognition for the bravery he had displayed in the Battle of Pocotaligo two months earlier.

1863

Stationed in Florida for the entire year of 1863, Corporal William Hensler and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were literally ordered to “hold the fort.” Their primary duty was to prevent foreign powers from assisting the Confederate Army and Navy in gaining control over federal installations and other territories across the Deep South. In addition, the regiment was also called upon to play an ongoing role in weakening Florida’s ability to supply and transport food and troops throughout areas held by the Confederate States of America.

Prior to intervention by the Union Army and Navy, the owners of plantations, livestock ranches and fisheries, as well as the operators of smaller family farms across Florida, had been able to consistently furnish beef and pork, fish, fruits, and vegetables to Confederate troops stationed throughout the Deep South during the first year of the American Civil War. Large herds of cattle were raised near Fort Myers, for example, while orchard owners in the Saint John’s River area were actively engaged in cultivating sizeable orange groves. (Other types of citrus trees were found growing throughout more rural areas of the state.)

Florida was also a major producer of salt, which was used as a preservative for food. Consequently, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers and other Union troops across Florida were ordered to capture or destroy salt manufacturing plants in order to further curtail the enemy’s access to food.

But once again, they were performing their duties in often dangerous conditions. The weather was frequently hot and humid as spring turned to summer, mosquitos and other insects were an ever-present annoyance (and a serious threat when they were carrying tropical diseases), and there were also scorpions and snakes that put the health of Corporal Hensler and his comrades at further risk. In addition, there was a serious shortage of clean water for drinking and bathing.

1864

In early January 1864, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers experienced yet another significant change when members of the regiment were ordered to expand the Union’s reach by sending part of the regiment north to retake Fort Myers, a federal installation that had been abandoned in 1858, following the federal government’s third war with the Seminole Indians. In response, Company A Captain Richard Graeffe and a detachment of his subordinates traveled north, captured the fort and began conducting cattle raids to provide food for the growing Union troop presence across the region. They subsequently turned their fort not only into their base of operations, but into a shelter for pro-Union supporters, escaped slaves, Confederate deserters, and others fleeing Rebel troops.

Red River Campaign

Meanwhile, all of the other companies of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry had begun preparing for the regiment’s history-making journey to Louisiana. Boarding yet another steamer, the Charles Thomas, the men from Companies B, C, D, I, and K headed for Algiers, Louisiana (across the river from New Orleans), followed on 1 March by the men from Companies E, F, G, and H.

Upon the second group’s arrival, the now almost-fully-reunited-regiment moved by train to Brashear City (now Morgan City), before heading to Franklin by steamer through the Bayou Teche. There, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry joined the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division of the 19th Corps (XIX) of the United States’ Army of the Gulf, and became the only regiment from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to serve in the Red River Campaign commanded by Union Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks. (Unable to reach Louisiana until 23 March, the soldiers from Company A were assigned to detached duty while awaiting transport that enabled them to reconnect with their regiment at Alexandria, Louisiana on 9 April.)

The early days on the ground quickly woke Corporal Hensler and his fellow 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers up to just how grueling their new phase of duty would be. From 14-26 March, most members of the 47th marched for Alexandria and Natchitoches, near the top of the L-shaped state. Among the towns that the 47th Pennsylvanians passed through were New Iberia, Vermilionville (now part of Lafayette), Opelousas, and Washington.

From 4-5 April 1864, the regiment added to its roster of young Black soldiers when Aaron Bullard (later known as Aaron French), James Bullard, John Bullard, Samuel Jones, and Hamilton Blanchard (also known as John Hamilton) enrolled for military service with the 47th Pennsylvania at Natchitoches. According to their respective entries in the Civil War Veterans’ Card File at the Pennsylvania State Archives and on regimental muster rolls, the men were officially mustered into the regiment on 22 June at Morganza, Louisiana. Several of their entries noted that they were assigned the rank of “Colored Cook” while others were given the rank of “Under-Cook.”

Often short on food and water throughout their long, harsh-climate trek, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers encamped briefly at Pleasant Hill (now the Village of Pleasant Hill) the night of 7 April, before continuing on the next day.

Rushed into battle ahead of other regiments in the second division, sixty members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry were cut down on 8 April 1864 during the intense volley of fire in the Battle of Sabine Cross Roads (also known as the Battle of Mansfield due to its proximity to the town of Mansfield). The fighting waned only when darkness fell. The exhausted, but uninjured collapsed beside the gravely wounded and dead. After midnight, the surviving Union troops withdrew to Pleasant Hill.

The next day, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers were ordered into a critically important defensive position at the far right of the Union lines, their right flank spreading up unto a high bluff. By 3 p.m., after enduring a midday charge by the troops of Confederate Major-General Richard Taylor (a plantation owner who was the son of Zachary Taylor, a former president of the United States), the brutal fighting still showed no signs of ending. Suddenly, just as the 47th was shifting to the left side of the Union force, the men of the 47th were forced to bolster the 165th New York’s buckling lines by blocking another Confederate assault.

During that engagement (now known as the Battle of Pleasant Hill), the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers succeeded in recapturing a Massachusetts artillery battery that had been lost during the earlier Confederate assault. Unfortunately, the regiment’s second-in-command, Lieutenant-Colonel George Warren Alexander, and its two color-bearers, Sergeants Benjamin Walls and William Pyers, were wounded. Alexander sustained wounds to both of his legs, and Walls was shot in the left shoulder as he attempted to mount the 47th Pennsylvania’s colors on caissons that had been recaptured, while Pyers was wounded as he grabbed the flag from Walls to prevent it from falling into Confederate hands.

All three survived the day, however, and continued to serve with the regiment, but many others, like K Company Sergeant Alfred Swoyer, were killed in action during those two days of chaotic fighting, or were wounded so severely that they were unable to continue the fight. (Swoyer’s final words were, “They’re coming nine deep!” Shot in the right temple shortly afterward, his body was never recovered).

Still others were captured by Confederate troops, marched roughly one hundred and twenty-five miles to Camp Ford, a Confederate Army prison camp near Tyler, Texas, and held there as prisoners of war until they were released during a series of prisoner exchanges that began on 22 July and continued through November. At least two members of the regiment never made it out of that prison camp alive; another died at a Confederate hospital in Shreveport.

Meanwhile, as the captured 47th Pennsylvanians were being spirited away to Camp Ford, the bulk of the regiment was carrying out orders from senior Union Army leaders to head for Grand Ecore, Louisiana. Encamped there from 11-22 April, the Union soldiers engaged in the hard labor of strengthening regimental and brigade fortifications.

They then moved back to Natchitoches Parish on 22 April. While they were in route, they were attacked again, this time, at the rear of their retreating brigade, but they were able to end the encounter quickly and move on to reach Cloutierville at 10 p.m. that same night (after a forty-five-mile march).

The next morning (23 April), episodic skirmishing quickly roared into the flames of a robust fight. As part of the advance party led by Union Brigadier-General William Emory, the 47th Pennsylvanians took on the Confederate Cavalry of Brigadier-General Hamilton Bee in the Battle of Cane River (also known as “the affair at Monett’s Ferry” or the “Cane River Crossing”).

Responding to a barrage from the Confederate Artillery’s twenty-pound Parrott guns and from enemy troops positioned atop a bluff and near a bayou, Brigadier-General Emory directed one of his brigades to keep Bee’s Confederate troops busy while sending two other brigades to find a safe spot for the Union’s forces to cross the Cane River. As part of “the beekeepers,” the 47th Pennsylvania supported Smith’s artillery.

Meanwhile, additional troops under Smith’s command attacked Bee’s flank to force a Rebel retreat, and then erected a series of pontoon bridges that enabled the 47th Pennsylvania and other Union regiments to make the Cane River Crossing by the next day. As the Confederates retreated, they torched their own food stores, as well as the cotton supplies of their fellow southerners. In a letter penned from Morganza, C Company Musician Henry Wharton described what had happened:

Our sojourn at Grand Score was for eleven days, during which time our position was well fortified by entrenchments for a length of five miles, made of heavy logs, five feet high and six feet wide, filled in with dirt. In front of this, trees were felled for a distance of two hundred yards, so that if the enemy attacked we had an open space before us which would enable our forces to repel them and follow if necessary. But our labor seemed to the men as useless, for on the morning of 22d April, the army abandoned these works and started for Alexandria. From our scouts it was ascertained that the enemy had passed some miles to our left with the intention of making a stand against our right at Bayou Cane, where there is a high bluff and dense woods, and at the same attack Smith’s forces who were bringing up the rear. This first day was a hard one for the boys, for at 10 o’clock at night they made Cloutierville, a distance of forty drive miles. On that day our rear was attacked which caused our forces to reverse their front and form in line of battle, expecting too, to go back to the relief of Smith, but he needed no assistance, sending word to the front that he had ‘whipped them, and could do it again.’ It was well that Banks made so long a march on that day, for on the next we found the enemy prepared to carry out their design of attacking us front and rear. Skirmishing commenced early in the morning and as our columns advanced he fell back towards the bayou, when we soon discovered the position of their batteries on the bluff. There was then an artillery duel by the smaller pieces, and some sharp fighting by the cavalry, when the ‘mule battery,’ twenty pound Parrott guns opened a heavy fire, which soon dislodged them, forcing the chivalry to flee in a manner not at all suitable to their boasted courage. Before this one cavalry, the 3d Brigade of the 1st Div., and Birges’ brigade of the second, had crossed the bayou and were doing good service, which, with the other work, made the enemy show their heels. The 3d brigade done some daring deeds in this fight, as also did the cavalry. In one instance the 3d charged up a hill almost perpendicular, driving the enemy back by the bayonet without firing a gun. The woods on this bluff was so thick that the cavalry had to dismount and fight on foot. During the whole of the day, our brigade, the 2d, was supporting artillery, under fire all the time, and could not give Mr. Reb a return shot.

While we were fighting in front, Smith was engaged some miles in the rear, but he done his part well and drove them back. The rebel commanders thought by attacking us in the rear, and having a large face on the bluffs, they would be able to capture our train and take us all prisoners, but in this they were mistaken, for our march was so rapid that we were on them before they had thrown up the necessary earthworks. Besides they underrated the amount of our artillery, calculating from the number engaged at Pleasant Hill. The rebels say it ‘seems as though the Yankees manufacture, on short notice, artillery to order, and the men are furnished with wings when they wish to make a certain point.’

The damage done to the Confederate cause by the burning of cotton was immense. On the night of the 22d our route was lighted up for miles and millions of dollars worth if this production was destroyed. This loss will be felt more by Davis & Co., than several defeats in this region, for the basis of the loan in England was on the cotton in Louisiana.

After the rebels had fled from the bluff the negro troops put down the pontoons, and by ten that night we were six miles beyond the bayou safely encamped. The next morning we moved forward and in two days were in Alexandria. Johnnys followed Smith’s forces, keeping out of range of his guns, except when he had gained the eminence across the bayou, when he punished them (the rebs) severely. 

Having finally reached Alexandria on 26 April, they learned that they would remain at their latest new camp for at least two weeks. Placed temporarily under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bailey, they were assigned yet again to the hard labor of construction work, helping to erect “Bailey’s Dam,” a timber structure that was designed to enable Union gun boats to safely navigate the fluctuating water levels of the Red River. According to Musician Henry Wharton:

We were at Alexandria seventeen days, during which time the men were kept busy at throwing up earthworks, foraging and three times went out some distance to meet the enemy, but they did not make their appearance in numbers large enough for an engagement. The water in the Red river had fallen so much that it prevented the gun boats from operating with us, and kept our transports from supplying the troops with rations, (and you know soldiers, like other people will eat), so Banks was compelled to relinquish his designs on Shreveport and fall back to the Mississippi. To do this a large dam had to be built on the falls at Alexandria to get the iron clads down the river. After a great deal of labor this was accomplished and by the morning of May 13th the last one was through the shute [sic, chute], when we bade adieu to Alexandria, marching through the town with banners flying and keeping step to the music of ‘Rally around the flag,’ and ‘When this cruel war is over.’ The next morning, at our camping place, the fleet of boats passed us, when we were informed that Alexandria had been destroyed by fire – the act of a dissatisfied citizen and several negroes. Incendiary acts were strictly forbidden in a general order before we left the place, and a cavalry guard was left in the rear to see the order enforced. After marching a few miles skirmishing commenced in front between the cavalry and the enemy in riflepits on the bank of the river, but they were easily driven away. When we came up we discovered their pits and places where there had been batteries planted. At this point the John Warren, an unarmed transport, on which were sick soldiers and women, was fired into and sunk, killing many and those that were not drowned taken prisoners. A tin-clad gunboat was destroyed at the same place, by which we lost a large mail. Many letters and directed envelopes were found on the bank – thrown there after the contents had been read by the unprincipled scoundrels. The inhumanity of Guerrilla bands in this department is beyond belief, and if one did not know the truth of it or saw some of their barbarities, he would write it down as the story of a ‘reliable gentleman’ or as told by an ‘intelligent contraband.’ Not satisfied with his murderous intent on unarmed transports he fires into the Hospital steamer Laurel Hill, with four hundred sick on board. This boat had the usual hospital signal floating fore and aft, yet, notwithstanding all this, and the customs of war, they fired on them, proving by this act that they are more hardened than the Indians on the frontier.

Continuing their march, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers headed toward Avoyelles Parish. According to Wharton:

On Sunday, May 15th, we left the river road and took a short route through the woods, saving considerable distance. The windings of the Red river are so numerous that it resembles the tape-worm railroad where with the politicians frightened the dear people during the administration of Ritner and Stevens. — We stopped several hours in the woods to leave cavalry pass, when we moved forward and by four o’clock emerged into a large open plain where we formed into line of battle, expecting a regular engagement. The enemy, however, retired, and we advanced ’till dark, when the forces halted for the night with orders to rest on their arms. ‘Twas here that Banks rode through our regiment, amidst the cheers of the boys, and gave the pleasant news that Grant had defeated Lee.

“Resting on their arms” (half-dozing, without pitching their tents, and with their rifles right beside them), they were now positioned just outside of Marksville, on the eve of the 16 May 1864 Battle of Mansura, which unfolded as follows, according to Wharton:

Early next morning we marched through Marksville into a prairie nine miles long and six wide where every preparation was made for a fight. The whole of our force was formed in line, in support of artillery in front, who commenced operations on the enemy driving him gradually from the prairie into the woods. As the enemy retreated before the heavy fire of our artillery, they reached Missoula [sic, Mansura], where they formed in column, taking the whole field in an attempt to flank the enemy, but their running qualities were so good that we were foiled. The maneuvring [sic, maneuvering] of the troops was handsomely done, and the movements was [sic, were] one of the finest things of the war. The fight of artillery was a steady one of five miles. The enemy merely stood that they might cover the retreat of their infantry and train under cover of their artillery. Our loss was slight. Of the rebels we could not ascertain directly, but learned from citizens who had secreted themselves during the fight, that they had many killed and wounded, who threw them into wagons, promiscuously, and drove them off so that we could not learn their casualties. The next day we moved to Simmsport [sic, Simmesport] on the Achafalaya [sic, Atchafalaya] river, where a bridge was made by putting the transports side by side, which enabled the troops and train to pass safely over.– The day before we crossed the rebels attacked Smith, thinking it was but the rear guard, in which they, the graybacks, were awfully cut up, and four hundred prisoners fell into our hands. Our loss in killed and wounded was ninety. This fight was the last one of the expedition. The whole of the force is safe on the Mississippi, gunboats, transports and trains. The 16th and 17th have gone to their old commands.

It is amusing to read the statements of correspondents to papers North, concerning our movements and the losses of the army. I have it from the best source that the Federal loss from Franklin to Mansfield, and from their [sic, there] to this point does not exceed thirty-five hundred in killed, wounded and missing, while that of the rebels is over eight thousand.

Continuing on, the healthy members of the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry marched for Simmesport and then Morganza, where they made camp again. While encamped there, the nine formerly enslaved Black men who had enlisted with the regiment in Beaufort, South Carolina (1862) and Natchitoches, Louisiana (1864) were officially mustered into the regiment between 22-24 June.

The regiment then moved on and arrived in New Orleans in late June. On the Fourth of July, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteers received orders to return to the East Coast. Three days later, they began loading the regiment and its men onto ships, a process that unfolded in two stages. Companies A, C, D, E, F, H, and I boarded the U.S. Steamer McClellan on 7 July and departed that day, while the members of Companies B, G and K, including Corporal William Hensler, remained behind, awaiting transport. They subsequently departed aboard the Blackstone, weighing anchor and sailing forth at the end of that month. Arriving in Virginia, on 28 July, the second group reconnected with the first group at Monocacy, having missed an encounter with President Abraham Lincoln and the Battle of Cool Spring at Snicker’s Gap in mid-July (a battle in which the first group of 47th Pennsylvanians had participated).

Sheridan’s 1864 Shenandoah Valley Campaign

Attached to the Middle Military Division, U.S. Army of the Shenandoah, beginning in early August of 1864, and placed under the command of Union Major-General Philip H. Sheridan, the 47th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry was assigned to defensive duties in and around Halltown, and also engaged over the next several weeks in a series of back-and-forth movements between Halltown, Berryville, Middletown, Charlestown, and Winchester as part of a “mimic war” being waged by Sheridan’s Union forces with those commanded by Confederate Lieutenant-General Jubal Early.

The 47th Pennsylvania then engaged with Confederate forces in the Battle of Berryville from 3-4 September. That would be the last military battle fought by Corporal William Hensler, however; on 18 September 1864, he was officially mustered out at Berryville, upon expiration of his original term of service.

Return to Civilian Life

Following his honorable discharge from the military, William Hensler rerturned home to Pennsylvania’s Lehigh Valley, where he tried to regain some semblance of a normal life after all that he had seen and heard in combat during the American Civil War.

But his attempts to do so would ultimately prove futile.

Death and Interment

A survivor of a head wound sustained in combat during the American Civil War, William Hensler became one of the many uncounted casualties of that war who spent the remainder of their days battling injury-related health complications before dying untimely deaths. On 15 February 1884, he died at the home of his sister, Eliza (Hensler) Kern, in Allentown. Just forty-one at the time of his passing, he was then laid to rest at the same cemetery where his parents had been interred — the Easton Cemetery in Easton, Northampton County. According to newspapers in Allentown, his funeral and gravesite services were well attended, giving him the fitting tribute that was due him as one of the bravest of the valiant men who had rescued the United States from disunion and civil war:

The surviving members of the Forty-seventh Regiment, Pennsylvania Volunteers, together with a delegation from Lafayette Post, No. 217, G.A.R., yesterday afternoon attended the funeral and laid to rest with military honors veteran Wm. Hensler, of this city [Allentown]. The music was furnished by comrades who had been with him during the war. The cortege started from the house of his brother, John Hensler, on South Sixth street, Easton, at two o’clock. Deceased was a brother of Mrs. Kern, of this city [Allentown], and died at her residence on Lawrence street last Friday.

What Happened to His Siblings?

Known during his adult life as “George Hensler,” William Hensler’s older brother Johan Georg Hensler (1825-1889), wed Pennsylvania native Margaret Ann Kichline (1829-1918), and then welcomed the births with her of: Annie Hensler (1849-1929), who was born in 1849; and Mary H. Hensler (1852-1914), who was born on 14 January 1852. Just sixty-three years old at the time of his passing on 20 September 1889, George Hensler was subsequently interred at the Easton Cemetery in Easton, Northampton County.

Following her marriage to William Stilgenbauer (1816-1899), William Hensler’s older sister, Anna Maria (Hensler) Stilgenbauer, resided in Northampton County, where her husband was employed as a merchant. Residents of Easton in 1880, their household included their twenty-year-old daughter, Lizzie T. Stilgenbauer; their thirty-five-year-old daughter, Anna Martha (Stilgenbauer) Franklin, and her husband, Christian Franklin, and their children: William, Ernst, Dora, Lillie May, Russell, and Louis (aged thirteen, twelve, nine, six, three, and one, respectively). Predeceased by her husband in 1899, Anna Maria (Hensler) Stilgenbauer died in Easton at the age of seventy-nine, on 19 August 1902, and was subsequently buried at the Easton Cemetery in Easton, Northampton County.

Following his marriage to Anna Maria Messinger (1832-1925), William Hensler’s older brother, Jacob Friedrich Hensler, Jr., settled with her in the city of Easton, where he worked as a carpenter. Childless throughout his marriage, Jacob Hensler died in Easton at the age of seventy-three, on 24 April 1903, and was laid to rest shortly thereafter at the Easton Cemetery in Northampton County.

Following his marriage to Katharine C. Brodback, William Hensler’s older brother, John Hensler, Sr., also lived and worked in the city of Easton. A carpenter by training and longtime practice, he was employed by Horn & Steinmetz, and then continued to work for the same company after it became Steinmetz & Walter. A member of the Carpenters’ Union, he was also active with the International Order of Odd Fellows (I.O.O.F.). Ailing with kidney disease during his final years, John Hensler, Sr. died in Easton at the age of seventy-two, on 8 August 1905, and was also laid to rest at the Easton Cemetery in Easton, Northampton County.

Following her marriage to Joseph Flad, William Hensler’s older sister, Harriet (Hensler) Flad, settled with her husband in Easton, where they welcomed the births of: John William Flad (1859-1903), who was born on 3 February 1859 and later wed Maria Elizabeth Dietrich (1859-1940); George Jacob Flad (1860-1860), who was born on 2 September 1860 but died two months later on 6 November 1860; and Franz S. Flad (1862-1928), who was born on 27 August 1862, was known to family and friends as “Frank” and later wed Lillie C. Cheston (1864-1949). Widowed by her husband in 1886, Harriet (Hensler) Flad was a charter member of the Daughters of Rebekah who served as the treasurer of that organization’s Easton lodge for nearly four decades (later known as the Mary Alice Adams Lodge). After a long, full life, every year of which was lived in Easton, Harriet (Hensler) Flad died in her hometown on 3 January 1921. Eighty years old at the time of her passing, she was also interred at the Easton Cemetery in Easton, Northampton County.

Following her marriage to widower Leopold Kern on 2 March 1856, William Hensler’s older sister, Elizabeth (Hensler) Kern, initially settled in Easton with her husband and his daughter from his first marriage, Margaret Clarissa Kern, who had been born on 3 June 1851. They then relocated to the city of Allentown in 1857, where her husband quickly became a prosperous brewer. During their long marriage, Leopold and Elizabeth (Hensler) Kern welcomed the births of multiple children: Charles Kern, who was born circa 1852 and later migrated west, during the 1870s, to settle in San Bernardino, California, where he became a blacksmith and married Amelia Knight (1850-1937), who was a native of Australia and the daughter of George Robert Knight, Sr. (1815-1896) and Sarah Ann (Foster) Knight (1831-1919); Frederick Kern, who was born circa 1856 and later settled in Philadelphia (by 1881); William Kern (1857-1887), who was born in Allentown on 29 August 1857 and later wed Ursula Low and settled with her in Easton (by 1881); George Kern, who was born circa 1862; Elizabeth Kern, who was born in Allentown on 29 January 1864, was known to family and friends as “Lizzie” and later wed Horace F. Gackenbach (1860-1928); Joseph Kern (1866-1945), who was born in Allentown on 28 August 1866 and later worked in furniture design for the Dorney Furniture Company; and Anna Maria Kern (1865-1894), who was born in Allentown on 31 August 1865 and later wed Joseph Bryan Knauss (1869-1920). Widowed by her husband in 1881, Elizabeth (Hensler) Kern went on to live a long, full life. Following her death at the age of ninety-two in Allentown, on 3 January 1927, she was then also buried at the Easton Cemetery in Easton, Northampton County.

 

Sources:

1. “A Young Wife’s Demise” (obituary of Anna Maria (Kern) Knauss, a daughter of Elizabeth (Hensler) Kern and a niece of William Hensler). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Allentown Leader, 26 January 1894.
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3. Bates, Samuel P. History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, 1861-5, vol. 1. Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869.
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6. “Died at Easton” (obituary of William Hensler’s older brother, John Hensler, Sr.). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Allentown Leader, 9 August 1905.
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19. Henseler, Jacob F. and Dorothea (William Hensler’s parents), and Henseler, Christian, Anna M., Johan G., and Jacob F. (William Hensler’s oldest siblings), in Records of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (passenger ships arriving at the Port of Baltimore in Baltimore, Maryland, December 1932 in Record Group 85), in Records of the U.S. Customs Service (Record Group 36, U.S. National Archives Index No.: 2655153). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
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27. “John Hensler, Sr.” (death notice of William Hensler’s older brother). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 10 August 1905.
28. “Kern” (death notice of William Hensler’s older sister, Elizabeth (Hensler) Kern), in “Deaths.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 4-6 January 1927.
29. Kern, Lehbold [sic, “Leopold”], Elisa (William Hensler’s sister), Maggi [sic, “Maggie”], Charles, William, and John; Hensler, William; and Meyers, Berthold (a master brewer and boarder), in U.S. Census (Borough of Allentown, Second Ward, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1860). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
30. Kern, Leopold, Eliza (William Hensler’s sister), Mazzie [sic, “Margaret” or “Maggie”], Frederick, William, George, Eliza (daughter), Joseph, and Maria, in U.S. Census (Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1870). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
31. Kern, Leopold, Eliza (William Hensler’s sister), William, Lizzie (daughter), Joseph, and Annie, in U.S. Census (Allentown, Fifth Ward, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1880). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
32. Kern, William L. (a son of Elizabeth (Hensler) Kern and a nephew of William Hensler), in Birth, Marriage, Death, and Burial Records (Salem United Church of Christ, Allentown, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania, 1857-1887). Allentown, Pennsylvania: Salem United Church of Christ.
33. Leopold Kern (obituary of William Hensler’s brother-in-law). Bethlehem, Pennsylvania: Bethlehem Globe Times, 24 August 1881.
34. “Mrs. Harriet Flad” (obituary of William Hensler’s older sister). Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 4 January 1921.
35. “Roster of the 47th P. V. Inf.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Morning Call, 26 October 1930.
36. Schäffer, Dorothea Catharina and Henseler, Jacob Fridrich (William Hensler’s parents) and Schäffer, Jacob and Margaretha (William Hensler’s maternal grandparents), in “Heirat” (Marriage Records, Evangelische Kirche Spielberg, Spielberg, Nagold District, Kingdom of Württemberg, 13 June 1816). Spielberg, Germany: Evangelische Kirche Spielberg.
37. Schmidt, Lewis G. A Civil War History of the 47th Regiment of Pennsylvania Veteran Volunteers. Allentown, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1986.
38. Stilgenbauer, Wm., Anna Maria (William Hensler’s older sister) and Lizzie T.; Franklin, Anna Martha (William Hensler’s niece), Christian, Wm., Ernst, Dora, Lillie May, Russell, and Louis, in U.S. Census (Easton, Sixth Ward, Northampton County, Pennsylvania, 1880). Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
39. “The Forgotten Plague” (documentary film about the history of tuberculosis in America), in “American Experience.” Boston, Massachusetts: WGBH Education, 2015.
40. “The History of the Forty-Seventh Regt. P. V.” Allentown, Pennsylvania: The Lehigh Register, 20 July 1870.